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Baghdad's New Anti-Americans (Are Not Iraqis) ^ | 2/18/04 | Steven Vincent

Posted on 02/18/2004 3:37:12 AM PST by kattracks

The sergeant told me it was the most powerful bomb he’d witnessed in Baghdad since the Canal Hotel explosion last August.  Manning a roadblock 50 feet from the site, the Tennessee Guardsman titled his helmet toward a dozen cars and a blue and white city bus destroyed by the January 18 blast.  “It blew a hole in the pavement half the size of a Humvee,” he grunted.  Military spokesmen I talked to later believed that the suicide car bomber had intended to ram the aptly named “Assassin’s Gate” entrance to CPA headquarters but panicked instead, detonating 1,000 pounds of plastic explosives in civilian traffic lined up to enter the compound.  Along with the bomber, 29 Iraqis and two American contractors died.  “Nothing left of them but burnt metal and charred bodies,” the soldier said.

I’d planned to visit CPA headquarters that morning; fortunately, I was late.  Now, three hours after the explosion, I found an un-Baghdad-like calm had descended on the area.  Birds chattered in trees, kids played in the traffic-free street, shopkeepers swept up shattered window glass.  As I watched the body recovery team probe the debris for human remains, it seemed impossible to believe that right there, not long ago, 31 innocent people had perished.  I tried to concentrate on that fact, but my heart went cold and my thoughts drifted away.  A little ashamed at my detachment, I took my satellite phone and called my wife in New York to tell her I was okay.  That, at least, I could do.

Later that night, I went down to dinner in my hotel restaurant, sitting by chance beside a table of Christian activists from America and Canada.  As if to make clear anti-occupation sentiments clear, they were loudly snickering at the behavior of U.S. troops—specifically, the GIs’ tendency to wear sunglasses when on patrol.  Why, everyone knows the Arabs value eye contact, the Christians sneered.  How stupid, how culturally insensitive, how American can you be?  And these are the people who want to bring democracy to the Middle East?  I wondered if these God-fearing war protestors had expended similar energy condemning the murderers who packed a Toyota pick-up truck with explosives and sent it into the Baghdad streets—but something told me they had not.

In my two trips to Iraq, I’ve come to dread these kinds of leftists.  You run into them everywhere—in teahouses, restaurants, hotel lobbies, anyplace where Westerners gather.  Their ranks include NGO workers, European journalists, religious pacifists, Canadians of every stripe—disparate groups united by their sense of moral superiority, opposition to the war in Iraq and their disdain for the United States.  Together, they form a kind of humanitarian chorus which decries Coalition abuses of Iraqi citizens—yet falls silent before Ba’athist crimes, or the horror of suicide bombing.  “I refuse to use the word ‘terrorist’ to describe those who resist the U.S. occupation,” a Baghdad-based member of a Canadian Mennonite group once told me.  “Those are terms used by the American government.”

There’s a place for activists in Iraq, of course.  If democracy is to take root here, the country needs to experience the full spectrum of civic life, from voting booths and private enterprise, to labor unions, environmentalists, feminists and civil rights lawyers.  (I’ll know when Iraqi democracy has arrived when I hear of the first noise harassment suit against a mosque for too loudly calling the faithful to prayer.)  And I’ve met dedicated organizers who travel this country, often at their peril, attempting to help Iraqis build the kind of grassroots institutions a free society requires.

Too often, though, the main interest of leftists is not Iraq, but the perceived faults of the U.S.  Take, for example, the foreign press.  When I visited last fall, numerous Baghdadis complained to me how European journalists frequently ignored the joy Iraqis felt with the fall of Saddam; instead, they sought mainly to report on (or in some cases, manufacture) anti-American sentiment.  “The French were the worst,” groused sculptor Haider Wady.  “They keep trying to get us to say bad things about the war and the Americans.”

Nowadays, one sees in Iraq a newer, more subtle form of anti-Americanism.  It’s particularly evident among increasing numbers of war zone tourists flooding the country:  academics, documentary filmmakers, religious activists, rockstars, performance artists and others who drop into Baghdad for a short time to wring their hands over the city’s post-war conditions.  Recently, I met the members of CODEPINK—a self-described “grassroots peace and social justice movement”—which specializes in taking women on week-long excursions among the city’s most wretched inhabitants:  homeless people, traumatized children, families destroyed by trigger-happy U.S. soldiers.  “Robin Williams has asked us to find a children’s hospital he can donate money to,” co-founder Jodie Evans informed me.

No one wants to begrudge such altruism, of course.  Still, the selective concerns of CODEPINK and other do-gooders trouble me.  They tend to focus their attention on Iraqis who have suffered from American abuses, rarely speaking to people who endured Ba’athist crimes.  “Oh we know all about that,” a Philadelphia Quaker visiting Baghdad replied off-handedly when I questioned her on this point.  “We’ve been to El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala…”  Demonstrating the narrowness of her experiences in Iraq, a woman traveling with CODEPINK asked me, “How bad was Saddam really?”  As for the victims of terrorist bombings, no one ever mentions them; they are not a stop of the leftist’s pity circuit.

Why is this?  Why are so many activists dismissive of the atrocities of Saddam and mute when it comes to terrorism?  The short answer, I think is:  evil diminishes.  The hideousness of the Iraqi dictator and the abomination of suicide bombings deadens our emotions, paralyzes our moral sense and shames us for our inability to comprehend such malevolence.  How much more comforting it is to censure a rational, tolerant, accountable entity like the United States!  How much more expansive one’s ego feels when ridiculing the shortcomings and failures of a democracy!

I’m not saying American policy in Iraq—or anywhere else, for that matter—is above criticism.  What I am saying is that much of the supercilious breast-beating one sees with leftists here derives from a kind of self-congratulatory narcissism, a sense that their criticism of the occupation makes them larger, better people.  Meanwhile, the real dangers Iraq faces—jihadist terror, nihilistic attacks on soldiers in the Sunni Triangle and the “black scenario” of Islamist rule, followed by civil war—loom ever larger.  But these problems are impervious to the moral superiority of leftists.  They do not make anyone feel better about themselves.  And they won’t be solved by anti-Americanism and activist compassion.

Affixed to the wall of a busy corridor of CPA headquarters in Baghdad—actually one of Saddam’s enormous presidential palaces—is a photocopied snapshot of a young Iraqi woman.  Once a translator for the U.S.  military, the pretty red-head is smiling at the camera, a Santa Claus cap perched on her head.  On January 18, she was waiting in traffic to enter CPA headquarters when the suicide bomber struck.  Her car was instantly set aflame and the 29 year-old, who a month earlier had gotten engaged to be married, was incinerated.  She is mourned by her colleagues at the CPA.  But you will be hard pressed to hear about her death among the Western activists in Baghdad.  Preoccupied with American human rights abuses, the shortcomings of the occupation and their own self-esteem, these humanitarians will continue to act as if her murder—and that of dozens of others killed in terrorist bombings across Iraq—never occurred.

TOPICS: Editorial; News/Current Events; War on Terror
KEYWORDS: embeddedreport; iraqifreedom; rebuildingiraq; religiousleft

1 posted on 02/18/2004 3:37:13 AM PST by kattracks
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To: kattracks
Good article. I hadn't realized these people were infesting Iraq.

I bet they also serve to pass information to our enemies there. I hope they're being closely watched.
2 posted on 02/18/2004 4:02:13 AM PST by livius
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To: kattracks; hellinahandcart; NYC GOP Chick; Doctor Raoul
Oh man. Medea Benjawoman alert!
3 posted on 02/18/2004 4:07:27 AM PST by sauropod (I'm Happy, You're Happy, We're ALL Happy! I'm happier than a pig in excrement. Can't you just tell?)
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To: kattracks
The author is far too kind to these freaks.
4 posted on 02/18/2004 4:09:07 AM PST by Broadside Joe
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To: countrydummy; hosepipe; Carry_Okie; OWK; Noumenon
"What I am saying is that much of the supercilious breast-beating one sees with leftists here derives from a kind of self-congratulatory narcissism, a sense that their criticism of the occupation makes them larger, better people."

LOL! Thomas Sowell had it right! Vision of the Annointed: Self-Congratulation as a Basis for Social Policy!

5 posted on 02/18/2004 4:14:28 AM PST by sauropod (I'm Happy, You're Happy, We're ALL Happy! I'm happier than a pig in excrement. Can't you just tell?)
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To: kattracks; armymarinedad
Good article
6 posted on 02/18/2004 5:31:59 AM PST by armymarinemom (The family reunion is moving to Iran this year-Central location and a shorter trip for the kids)
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To: kattracks; Freee-dame; Travis McGee
A good way to help our country and our troops in Iraq is to send this article out to anyone we think would take the time to read it - friends, relatives, news outlets!

A powerful message, under-reported, of course.
7 posted on 02/18/2004 5:54:03 AM PST by maica (.)
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To: sauropod
much of the supercilious breast-beating one sees with leftists here derives from a kind of self-congratulatory narcissism, a sense that their criticism of the occupation makes them larger, better people. 
You and I saw the same thing (and I really must read Visions of the Anointed sometime; I've read many of Sowell's books.

I would add that what gets openly printed is only what is safe to print; that did not include Saddam & Sons Inc's vicious repression but does include wildly exaggerated if not wholly made-up stories of "repression" in the U.S. "Historians" who treat journalism as "the first draft of history" therefore systematically underreport actual evil and overreport whatever negative can be said about a democratic republic.

8 posted on 02/18/2004 6:14:56 AM PST by conservatism_IS_compassion (Belief in your own objectivity is the essence of subjectivity.)
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To: kattracks
All these do-gooders will vote for Kerry.
9 posted on 02/18/2004 6:21:27 AM PST by prognostigaator
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To: kattracks
Demonstrating the narrowness of her experiences in Iraq, a woman traveling with CODEPINK asked me, “How bad was Saddam really?”

She needs to be escorted and dumped out at the nearest Iraqi mass grave site. What a mind boggling question.

10 posted on 02/18/2004 6:28:08 AM PST by TADSLOS (Right Wing Infidel since 1954)
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To: sauropod
There is another, frankly simpler aspect to leftist fecklessness. They are cowards. Cowards need a way to take out their self-hatred on a sort of father figure, someone who won't fight back. The United States, and especially conservative Christians and military people, makes the perfect target because we don't blow them away for their impetuous and destructive behavior.

Between giving comfort to the enemy and foisting socialism and NGO dependency upon these poor people, they just may create the meltdown in Iraq that they secretly desire. I would bet that their grant financiers do fancy the resulting prospect of high oil prices.
11 posted on 02/18/2004 6:36:50 AM PST by Carry_Okie (There are people in power who are truly stupid.)
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To: Carry_Okie
Wonder how much of the oil companies the grant financiers own?
12 posted on 02/18/2004 6:49:54 AM PST by sauropod (I'm Happy, You're Happy, We're ALL Happy! I'm happier than a pig in excrement. Can't you just tell?)
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“How bad was Saddam really?”
She needs to be escorted and dumped out at the nearest Iraqi mass grave site. What a mind boggling question.
The Bush intention undoubtedly is that the Iraqis have a government in place which can, before November, try Saddam in a manner to produce maximum international political effect. There is no reason why it should be considered a surprise, but it just might be in October. It will undoubtedly include media events at each of the known mass-grave sites.

And I would hope that Iraq could demonstrate support for Operation Iraqi Freedom by conducting an observance of our Veterans' Day, in Washington--possibly to include dedication of a statue of a GI sharing with a child.

13 posted on 02/18/2004 7:04:45 AM PST by conservatism_IS_compassion (Belief in your own objectivity is the essence of subjectivity.)
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To: sauropod; kristinn; tgslTakoma; staytrue; BillF; Jimmy Valentine's brother; BufordP; GunsareOK; ...
14 posted on 02/18/2004 7:08:18 AM PST by Angelwood (FReepers are Everywhere! We Support Our Troops! (Hillary's Vast Rt Wg Conspiracy))
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To: cateizgr8
15 posted on 02/18/2004 8:30:18 AM PST by Britton J Wingfield
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To: kattracks
“How bad was Saddam really?”

Toronto Globe and Mail

Saddam's chambers of horrors
Saturday, November 23, 2002

Abu Ghraib, 30 kilometres west of Baghdad, is Iraq's biggest prison. Until recently, it held perhaps 50,000 people, perhaps more. No one knows for sure. No one knows how many people were taken there through the years and never came out.
For a generation, Abu Ghraib was the centrepiece of Saddam Hussein's reign of torture and death. Yahya al-Jaiyashy is one of the survivors.

Mr. Jaiyashy is an animated, bearded man of 49 whose words can scarcely keep up with the torrent of his memories. Today he lives in Toronto with his second wife, Sahar. This week, he sat down with me to relate his story. With him were his wife, a lovely Iraqi woman in her mid-30s, and a friend, Haithem al-Hassan, who helped me with Mr. Jaiyashy's mixture of Arabic and rapid English.
"Nineteen seventy-seven was the first time I went to jail," he says. "I was not tortured that much."
He was in his mid-20s then, from an intellectual family that lived in a town south of Baghdad. He had been a student of Islamic history, language and religion in the holy city of Najaf, but was forced to quit his studies after he refused to join the ruling Ba'ath party. His ambition was to write books that would show how Islam could open itself up to modernism.

In Saddam's Iraq, this was a dangerous occupation, especially for a Shiite. Shia Muslims are the majority in Iraq, but Saddam and his inner circle are Sunni. Many Shiites were under suspicion as enemies of the state.
"My father was scared for me," says Mr. Jaiyashy. " 'You know how dangerous this regime is,' he told me. 'You know how many people they kill.' "

Mr. Jaiyashy continued his studies on his own. But, eventually, he was picked up, along with a dozen acquaintances who had been involved in political activity against the regime. They were sent to Abu Ghraib. The others did not get off as lightly as he did. One was killed by immersion into a vat of acid. Ten others, he recalls, were put into a room and torn apart by wild dogs. Several prominent religious leaders were also executed. One was a university dean, someone Mr. Jaiyashy remembers as "a great man." They drove a nail through his skull.

For three decades, the most vicious war Saddam has waged has been the one against his own people. Iraq's most devastating weapon of mass destruction is Saddam himself. And the most powerful case for regime change is their suffering.
Sometimes, it is almost impossible to believe the accounts of people who survived Saddam's chamber of horrors. They seem like twisted nightmares, or perhaps crude propaganda. But there are too many survivors who have escaped Iraq, too many credible witnesses. And Mr. Jaiyashy's story, horrible as it is, is not unusual.

Saddam personally enjoyed inflicting torture in the early years of his career, and he has modelled his police state after that of his hero, Stalin. According to Kenneth Pollack, a leading U.S. expert on Iraq, the regime employs as many as half a million people in its various intelligence, security and police organizations. Hundreds of thousands of others serve as informants. Neighbour is encouraged to inform on neighbour, children on their parents. Saddam has made Iraq into a self-policing totalitarian state, where everyone is afraid of everybody else.
"Being in Iraq is like creeping around inside someone else's migraine," says veteran BBC correspondent John Sweeney. "The fear is so omnipresent, you could almost eat it."
To Stalin's methods of arbitrary arrests and forced confessions, Saddam has added an element of sadism: the torture of children to extract information from their parents.

In northern Iraq -- the only place in the country where people can speak relatively freely -- Mr. Sweeney interviewed several people who had direct experience of child torture. He also met one of the victims -- a four-year-old girl, the daughter of a man who had worked for Saddam's psychopathic son Uday. When the man fell under suspicion, he fled to the Kurdish safe haven in the north. The police came for his wife and tortured her to reveal his whereabouts; when she didn't break, they took his daughter and crushed her feet. She was 2 then. Today, she wears metal braces on her legs, and can only hobble.

"This is a regime that will gouge out the eyes of children to force confessions from their parents and grandparents," writes Mr. Pollack in his new book, The Threatening Storm. "This is a regime that will hold a nursing baby at arm's length from its mother and allow the child to starve to death to force the mother to confess. This is a regime that will burn a person's limbs off to force him to confess or comply. This is a regime that will slowly lower its victims into huge vats of acid. . . .
"This is a regime that practises systematic rape against the female victims. This is a regime that will drag in a man's wife, daughter or other female relative and repeatedly rape her in front of him." And if he has fled the country, it will send him the video.

After nearly two years in prison, Mr. Jaiyashy was released and sent to do military service in the north. Then the security police decided to round up the followers of one of the executed clerics. In 1980, Mr. Jaiyashy was arrested again, along with 20 friends, and taken to a military prison. He was interrogated about criticisms he was supposed to have made of the regime, and urged to sign a confession. During one session, his wrists were tied to a ceiling fan. Then they turned on the fan. Then they added weights onto his body and did it again. Then somebody climbed on him to add more weight. "It was 20 minutes, but it seemed like 20 years," he recalls.
He was beaten with a water hose filled with stones. When he passed out, he was shocked back into consciousness with an electric cable. They hung him by his legs, pulled out a fingernail with pliers, and drove an electric drill through his foot.

Mr. Jaiyashy took off his right shoe and sock to show me his foot. It is grotesquely mutilated, with a huge swelling over the arch. There is an Amnesty International report on human-rights abuses in Iraq with a photo of a mutilated foot that looks identical to his. The baby finger on his left hand is also mutilated.
He didn't sign the confession. He knew that, if he did, they would eventually kill him.
They put him in solitary confinement, in a cell measuring two metres by two and a half, without windows or light. Every few weeks, they would bring him the confession again, but he refused to sign. He stayed there for a year.

In 1981, he was sent to trial, where he persuaded a sympathetic judge not to impose the death sentence. He got 10 years instead, and was sent back to Abu Ghraib. "They put me in a cell with 50 people. It was three and a half by three and a half metres. Some stood, some sat. They took turns."
There was a small window in the cell, with a view of a tree. It was the only living thing the prisoners could see. The tree was cut down. There were informants in the cells and, every morning, guards would come and take someone and beat him till he died. "This is your breakfast!" they would say.
Mr. Jaiyashy spent the next six years in that cell. His parents were told he was dead.

Abu Ghraib contained many intellectuals and professional people. Among them was the scientist Hussein Shahristani, a University of Toronto alumnus who became a leading nuclear scientist in Iraq. He was imprisoned after he refused to work on Saddam's nuclear program. He spent 10 years in Abu Ghraib, most of them in solitary confinement, until he escaped in 1991.

Saddam has reduced his people to abject poverty. He wiped out families, villages, cities and cultures, and drove four million people into exile. He killed between 100,000 and 200,000 Kurds. He killed as many as 300,000 Shiites in the uprising after the Persian Gulf war. He killed or displaced 200,000 of the 250,000 marsh Arabs who had created a unique, centuries-old culture in the south. He drained the marshes, an environmental treasure, and turned them into a desert.

In a recent Frontline documentary, a woman who fled Iraq recounted how she and others had been forced to witness the public beheadings of 15 women who had been rounded up for prostitution and other crimes against the state. One of the women was a doctor who had been misreported as speaking against the regime. "They put her head in a trash can," she said.

In 1987, Mr. Jaiyashy and a thousand other inmates were transferred to an outdoor prison camp. There, they were allowed a visit with their relatives, so long as they said nothing of their lives in prison. Mr. Jaiyashy's parents came, hoping he might still be alive. He remembers the day all the families came. "There was so much crying. We called it the crying day."

In 1989, he was finally released from prison. Then came the gulf war and, after that, the uprising, which he joined. It was quickly crushed. He fled with 150,000 refugees toward the Saudi border. But the Saudis didn't want them. "They are Wahhabis," he says. "They consider the Shia as infidels." The United Nations set up a refugee camp, where Mr. Jaiyashy spent the next six years. He began to paint and write again.
Finally, he was accepted as an immigrant to Canada. He arrived in Toronto in 1996, and is now a Canadian citizen.

Mr. Jaiyashy has a deep sense of gratitude toward his adoptive country. Canada, he says, has given him back his freedom and his dignity. He paints prolifically, and has taken courses at the art college, and is the author of three plays about the Saddam regime. He makes his living stocking shelves in a fabric store. "I'm a porter," he says. "No problem. I'm happy."

But Saddam's spies are everywhere. After one of his plays was produced here, his father was imprisoned. His first wife and three children are still in Iraq. He hasn't seen them since his youngest, now 12, was a baby. He talks with them on the phone from time to time, but it is very dangerous. One of his brothers is in Jordan, another still in Iraq.
Sahar, his second wife, is soft-spoken. She covers her head and dresses modestly, without makeup. Her face is unlined. She arrived in Canada with her two daughters the same year as Mr. Jaiyashy; they were introduced by friends.

She, too, has a story. I learned only the smallest part of it. "I was a widow," she told me. "My husband was a doctor in Iraq. He wanted to continue his education and have a specialty. But they didn't allow him. He deserted the military service to continue his education on his own. They beat him till he died."
Today, her daughters are in high school and she teaches at a daycare centre. Her new husband pushed her to study hard here. "ESL, ESL," she says affectionately.
Like many Iraqis, they are conflicted about the prospect of war. They want Saddam gone. But they do not want more harm inflicted on their country. "I want Saddam gone -- only him," says Mr. Jaiyashy.

A few weeks ago, Saddam threw open the doors of Abu Ghraib and freed the prisoners there. Many families rejoiced, and many others, who did not find their loved ones, mounted a brief, unheard-of protest against the regime. The prison is a ghost camp now. Nothing is left but piles of human excrement that cake the razor wire.

Saddam's Iraq is a rebuke to anyone who may doubt that absolute evil dwells among us. No one has put it better than Mr. Sweeney, the BBC reporter. "When I hear the word Iraq, I hear a tortured child screaming."

On a scale of 1 to 10...13
16 posted on 02/18/2004 9:08:00 AM PST by Valin (America is the land mine between barbarism and civilization.)
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To: kattracks
17 posted on 02/18/2004 9:16:27 AM PST by Yardstick
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To: kattracks
Whos the idiot(s) allowing these people into Iraq in the first place... its a war zone... at least limit western style accomodations to them.. they have no business there..
18 posted on 02/18/2004 10:08:04 AM PST by hosepipe
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