Skip to comments.John Kerry’s Red Roots: Richard Kerry’s Left-Wing Legacy
Posted on 08/24/2004 8:23:39 PM PDT by Fedora
John Kerrys Fellow Travellers*
A 5-part series exposing John Kerrys Communist connections.
Part 1: John Kerrys Red Roots: Richard Kerrys Left-Wing Legacy
*NOTE: The term fellow traveller as used in this article series refers to someone who is not a member of the Communist Party (CP) but regularly engages in actions which advance the Partys program. Some apparent fellow travellers may actually be concealed party members: members of the CP who conceal their membership. Which of these classifications is applicable to the Kerrys is a question this series leaves unresolved. This series does not argue for any direct evidence of Richard or John Kerry or other members of the Kerry family belonging to the CP. What this series does argue for is a consistent pattern of the Kerry family working with Communists and Communist fellow travellers in a way that advances the Communist program.
Previous articles have drawn attention to the liberal foreign policy orientation of John Kerrys father Richard Kerry. This article digs deeper into Richard Kerrys background, exploring how his foreign policy views were influenced by Communist fellow travellers from Harvard Law School and the State Department, and how this influence was in turn passed on from Richard Kerry to his children.
|c.1930-1940||Educated at Andover, Yale, and Harvard Law School||Embraced legal teachings of Oliver Wendell Holmes and Louis Brandeis|
|c.1941-c.1943||Served in Army Air Corps|
|1944-1945||Taught at Groton School|
|1945-1949||Law partner at Palmer, Dodge, Chase & Davis|
|1949-1951||Office of General Counsel for the Navy|
|1951-1954||State Department: Bureau of United Nations Affairs||Worked under Dean Acheson|
|1954-1956||State Department: Legal advisor to U.S. Mission to Berlin and U.S. Attorney for Berlin||Worked for James Conant, met Jean Monnet|
|1956-1958||State Department: Special assistant to Walter F. George, special ambassador to NATO|
|1958-1962||State Department: Chief of political section of American embassy in Norway|
|1962-2000||Retired from State Department, worked 5 years as law partner of Ernest Sheldon at Sheldon & Kerry|
Richard Kerry was educated during the 1930s at Andover, Yale, and Harvard Law School, from which he graduated in 1940. He specialized in international law and embraced the legal teachings of former Harvard Law School professors Oliver Wendell Holmes and Louis Brandeis. After his graduation from law school, he served in the Army Air Corps in World War II and taught at Groton School from 1944-1945 before taking a job with the Massachusetts law firm of Palmer, Dodge, Chase & Davis. In 1949 he moved to Washington to work for the Office of General Counsel for the Navy, in the hope that this would help him land a job in the State Department. From 1951 to 1954 he worked for the State Department as an attorney for the Bureau of United Nations Affairs, where he subscribed to a firm belief in the UN vision of a postwar global government. In late 1954 he accepted a post in Germany as a legal advisor to the U.S. Mission to Berlin and U.S. Attorney for Berlin, working under German High Commissioner James Conant. While working under Conant in Berlin he became involved in NATO diplomacy and European unification issues, and he established relationships with prominent European politicians involved in these issues, notably French politician Jean Monnet. In 1956 he was transferred to serve as special assistant to President Eisenhowers special ambassador to NATO, Walter F. George. Then from 1958 to 1962 he served as the chief of the political section of the American embassy in Norway. After retiring from the State Department in 1962 he spent five years working as the law partner of Ernest Sheldon in the Pepperell, Massachusetts law firm of Sheldon & Kerry.
During his career with the State Department, Kerry adopted the view of diplomats in the Truman administration who saw the Soviet threat as primarily a political threat to Europe rather than a military or ideological threat to global capitalism and democracy. Accordingly, he advocated that NATO and European unification should be higher priorities for US foreign policy than containing or rolling back Communism. This position put him increasingly at odds with Eisenhowers Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and later with the Kennedy administration. In 1962 he retired from diplomatic service because he felt that no one was listening to his views, and he became a disgruntled critic of US foreign policy. From 1965 on he opposed American involvement in Vietnam. In 1990, he wrote a book which attacked the premises of US foreign policy during the Cold War, particularly during the Eisenhower and Reagan administrations. Echoing Kennedy-Johnson administration advisor McGeorge Bundy, he characterized Dulles ideological opposition to the Soviet Union as an oversimplified either/or dualism, and advocated instead what in his eyes was a more sophisticated relativism. As he put it, Casting issues in the form of polar choices (for example: isolationism vs. interventionism) readily leads to the conclusion that if one is wrong, the other must be right. In a more relative view of the issue, both are likely to be wrong.1
|Louis Brandeis||Supreme Court Justice 1916-1939||Covertly engaged in activism from the bench via Frankfurter||Influenced Richard Kerrys legal philosophy|
|Felix Frankfurter||Harvard Law School professor 1914-1939; Supreme Court Justice 1939-1962||Staffed Judicial Branch and Franklin Roosevelt administration with Brandeis agents||Taught at Harvard Law School while Richard Kerry was a student|
|Jerome Frank||General Counsel to Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), 1933-1935||Hired Brandeis and Frankfurters recommendations to Roosevelt administration|
|Alger Hiss, Lee Pressman, Nathan Witt, and others||Hired to AAA starting in 1933, went on to other government agencies||Recommended by Frankfurter and hired by Frank to AAA||In 1945 Hiss cofounded what would become the State Departments Bureau of UN Affairs, where Richard Kerry began working in 1951|
|Benjamin Cohen and Thomas Corcoran||Key Roosevelt administration advisors, 1933-1941||Hosted nightly meetings of Frankfurters associates to promote pro-Communist legislation, pushed for Frankfurters appointment to the Supreme Court|
|Joseph Rauh, Edward Prichard, and Philip Graham||Worked with Office of Emergency Management, 1941-1942||Former law clerks for Frankfurter, spied on Roosevelt administration for Frankfurter|
|Niels Bohr||Physicist; consultant to Manhattan Project, 1943-1945||Traded classified information on the Manhattan Project with Frankfurter, joined Frankfurter in trying to persuade the Allies to share atomic secrets with the Soviets|
To set Richard Kerrys career in context, it is informative to begin with his law school career and his enthusiasm for the teachings of former Harvard Law School professor Louis Brandeis. Prior to Kerrys entrance into law school, Brandeis and his associate Felix Frankfurter were two of the most prominent Communist fellow travellers in the United States, and had used Harvard Law School as a base to place political allies in the US government.
Brandeis had been a political activist before President Wilson appointed him to the Supreme Court in 1916. After his appointment he continued his political activity by covertly using Frankfurter as his chief agent, setting up what may be called the Brandeis-Frankfurter apparatus. Among other functions Frankfurter performed for Brandeis apparatus, a key one was recommending Harvard Law graduates to work for Brandeis, his fellow Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, and the Executive Branch of the federal government. Frankfurter continued to perform this and other functions on Brandeis behalf until 1937, after which he branched off to form his own apparatus in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations and the Supreme Court. 2
The Brandeis-Frankfurter apparatus engaged in various covert activities supportive of domestic subversives and Soviet agents. These included advising the Wilson administration to aid the Bolshevik government,3 using Harvard Law Review to oppose anti-espionage laws, organizing Harvard Law professors to petition clemency for convicted subversives, ,4 and recommending Harvard Law graduates who were later exposed as Soviet agents for government jobs in the Roosevelt administration. Among the Harvard Law graduates recommended to the Roosevelt administration by Frankfurter and hired by his agent Jerome Frank were Soviet spies Alger Hiss, Lee Pressman, and Nathan Witt. Hiss went on to become prominent in the State Department, cofounding the State Departments UN branch before he was exposed as a spy in 1948.5
Through agents such as Hiss, the Brandeis-Frankfurter apparatus branched out into all departments of the Roosevelt administration. In 1934 Congressman Frederick Britten observed that a group of 10 to 18 Frankfurter associates met nightly in the home of Benjamin Cohen and Thomas Corcoran to "promote Communistic legislation".6 During World War II, Frankfurter used his former law clerks Joseph Rauh, Edward Prichard, and Philip Graham to coordinate spying on various agencies of the Roosevelt administration through what Rauh and Prichard called the Goon Squad: a group of 15 to 20 second-line bureaucrats which included White House aide Laughlin Currie, a Soviet spy.7 Meanwhile Frankfurter and physicist Niels Bohr conspired in trading top-secret information with each other about the Manhattan Project, as part of an effort to try to persuade the Allies to share the secrets of the atomic bomb with the Soviet Union. Some top-secret Manhattan Project papers that passed between Frankfurter and the military supervisor of the Manhattan Project, General Leslie Groves, were later found in the private papers of Manhattan Project consultant Robert Oppenheimer, whose security clearance was later revoked after he was charged with being a security risk.8
US intelligence regarded Brandeis and Frankfurters political activity as suspicious. Several Army intelligence informants and analysts identified Brandeis and Frankfurter as key leaders of US Communism. 1920 Army intelligence reports described Brandeis and Frankfurter as Soviet propagandists, noting that Brandeis had been in contact with Soviet agent Santeri Nuorteva.9 In 1921 future FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover noted Frankfurters links to the radical labor group Amalgamated Clothing Workers and described Frankfurter as engaging in "communistic propaganda activities".10 A 1945 FBI wiretap investigation of leaks from the Soviet ambassador to journalist Drew Pearson revealed that Frankfurter was colluding with Pearson. Follow-up wiretaps on Pearson and Brandeis-Frankfurter apparatus member Thomas Corcoran revealed that Corcoran and Rauh-Prichard-Graham Goon Squad member Laughlin Currie had conspired to protect State Department official John Stewart Service from being prosecuted in connection with the leaking of classified government documents to the pro-Communist publication Amerasia.11
Richard Kerry entered Harvard Law School in 1937, two years before Frankfurter left Harvard Law for the Supreme Court. When Kerry arrived at Harvard he was enamored of the legal teachings of Oliver Wendell Holmes and Louis Brandeis12, who had looked to Frankfurter to recommend Harvard Law School graduates to be their law clerks.13 After Kerry graduated from Harvard Law, he went on to the State Department, where he worked under one of Frankfurters most prominent political allies.
|Dean Acheson||State Department, 1941-1953; Secretary of State, 1949-1953; Democratic Party senior statesman on foreign policy issues, 1953-1971||Recommended by Frankfurter to Roosevelt administration; defended Frankfurter from charges of Communism during Supreme Court confirmation hearings; advised Frankfurter of daily developments in Truman administration; recommended appointments to Kennedy cabinet and advised Kennedy administration||Secretary of State when Richard Kerry joined State Department in 1951; influenced Kerrys views on NATO and European unification|
|Paul Nitze||Director of Acheson State Departments Policy Planning Staff, 1950-1953; Achesons chief political ally, 1953-1960; recommended by Acheson to Kennedy State Department for possible promotion to Secretary of State||Joined Acheson in forming Democratic government-in-exile during Eisenhower administration and developing foreign policy platform for Kennedy administration||Influenced Richard Kerrys foreign policy views|
|John McCloy||High Commissioner for Occupied Germany, 1949-1952; Chairman of Council on Foreign Relations, 1953-1970||Acheson and Nitzes favored alternative to Eisenhowers Secretary of State John Foster Dulles||Recommended next High Commisioner for Occupied Germany to be James Conant, for whom Richard Kerry would work|
|William Bundy||Achesons son-in-law; law partner at Achesons law firm, Covington & Burling, c.1947-1951; CIA agent, 1951-1960||Career promoted by Frankfurter and Acheson; contributed to Alger Hiss defense fund||Influenced Richard Kerrys foreign policy views; uncle of John Kerrys college roommate; influenced John Kerrys decision to enlist in officer corps|
|McGeorge Bundy||William Bundys brother; recommended by Frankfurter for job at Harvard University; Dean of Faculty of Arts & Sciences at Harvard University, 1953-1960||Career promoted by Frankfurter||Influenced Richard Kerrys foreign policy views; uncle of John Kerrys college roommate|
By the time Richard Kerry began his career at the State Department in 1951, Frankfurters apparatus in the Executive Branch had become centered around Dean Acheson, who was then the Truman administrations Secretary of State. Achesons relationship to the Brandeis-Frankfurter apparatus dated back to 1920, when Frankfurter had sent Acheson from Harvard to clerk for Brandeis in Washington.14 Acheson originally entered government service in 1933 as part of the same pool of Frankfurter recommendations as Jerome Frank, the Brandeis-Frankfurter agent who hired Alger Hiss to the Roosevelt administration.15 After a temporary return to a civilian legal career, he made a favorable impression on President Roosevelt by helping Frankfurter defend himself during his Supreme Court confirmation hearings from questions about his Communist associations, and he was recruited back to government service.16 Joining Roosevelt's State Department in 1941, Acheson was assigned projects where he worked closely with Soviet spy Harold Glasser, who was the Treasury Department's representative to the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA),17 and Soviet spy Harry Dexter White, who was the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury.18 After Roosevelt's death in 1945, he was promoted to serve as Undersecretary of State under Trumans new Secretary of State James Byrnes,19 another of Frankfurter's associates. 20 While serving under Byrnes and his successor George Marshall, and later while serving as Secretary of State himself, Acheson maintained an intimate relationship with Frankfurter, strolling with him on a daily basis to discuss developments in the Executive Branch.21
Acheson's promotion to Undersecretary of State had been part of a reorganization of the State Department which removed an anti-Communist faction led by Adolf Berle and Joseph Grew and installed a new hierarchy under Byrnes. This new hierarchy included Alger Hiss and others who were later accused of Soviet espionage, which later raised suspicions of Acheson.22 Acheson initially shared the Roosevelt administration's optimistic attitude towards US-Soviet cooperation. He was described as "friendly to the Soviet Union" in a 1945 endorsement for his appointment as Under Secretary of State written by pro-Communist journalist I.F. Stone,23 who was recently accused of having been an undercover KGB agent. 24 From late 1945 through early 1946, Acheson and another Brandeis-Frankfurter apparatus member, David Lilienthal,25 drafted a proposal for sharing nuclear technology with the Soviet Union, working with input from Stimson, Frankfurters associate John McCloy,26 and Soviet spy Robert Oppenheimer.27 During this period, in May 1946, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover warned President Truman that Acheson, Achesons assistant Herbert Marks, and McCloy were members of a Soviet atomic spy ring.28
Acheson seems to have gradually and reluctantly changed his optimistic attitude towards US-Soviet cooperation over the course of November 1945 to August 1946, as Stalin's imperialistic intentions became increasingly evident even to most of his former supporters.29 However, Acheson joined the growing opposition to the Soviet Union with the qualification that he was endorsing limited intervention against Stalin in certain strategic areas, not global containment of the Soviets and not an ideological war against Communism.30 Ideologically he remained a committed liberal and political partisan, and he took a leading role in the defense of accused spies Alger Hiss,31 Laughlin Currie, 32 John Stewart Service,33 and John Carter Vincent. 34 His defense of Hiss prompted Senator Joseph McCarthy to scrutinize his background.35 When McCarthy fell out of favor he was preparing an investigation of Achesons son-in-law William Bundy for Bundys contribution to Alger Hiss defense.36
The victory of Dwight Eisenhower in the 1952 Presidential election repudiated Achesons foreign policy, and Acheson resigned in disgrace from his position as Secretary of State, to be replaced by a man he despised, John Foster Dulles. Out of power, Acheson and his former assistant Paul Nitze sought to regain influence by forming a Democratic government-in-exile aligned with Dulles critics. Dulles critics spent much of the Eisenhower administration trying to get Dulles replaced by John McCloy and otherwise attempting to influence Eisenhower through McCloy and the Council on Foreign Relations, an influential foreign policy think tank which McCloy then chaired. Achesons critique of Dulles included an argument against Dulles emphasis on nuclear deterrence and in favor of strengthening NATOs conventional capability as a non-nuclear deterrent. Acheson and Nitzes foreign policy ideas were adopted into Adlai Stevensons 1956 Presidential campaign and John Kennedys 1960 Presidential campaign. With Kennedys election Acheson regained his former influence for the course of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. He recommended several of Kennedys cabinet appointments, and attempted unsuccessfully to convince Kennedy to appoint Nitze Undersecretary of State to groom him for eventual promotion to Secretary of State.37
Richard Kerry joined the State Department in 1951 while Acheson was still Secretary of State. He began his State Department career as attorney for the Bureau of United Nations Affairs, an area of the State Department where Acheson and Hiss had previously worked.38 The foreign policy views he developed while working in the State Department, as expressed in his later book, reflect the influence of Acheson and such associates of Acheson as Paul Nitze, William Bundy, and Williams brother McGeorge Bundy.39 William and McGeorges nephew Harvey H. Bundy III later became John Kerrys roommate. Harvey introduced John to William, who discussed the Vietnam War with John and influenced his decision to enlist in the officer corps.40 In 2004 Harveys son Hollister Bundy, who is Kerrys godson, helped raise funds for Kerrys campaign by emailing out an endorsement titled Uncle Johnny Kerry for President.41
|James Conant||Chemist; President of Harvard University, 1933-1953; consultant to Manhattan Project and Atomic Energy Commission, 1942-1953; High Commissioner for Occupied Germany, 1953-1955; US Ambassador to West Germany, 1955-1957||Political ally of Frankfurter, Acheson, Harvey Bundy, and Robert Oppenheimer; recommended by McCloy to be High Commissioner for Occupied Germany||Served by Richard Kerry as legal counsel|
|Jean Monnet||Businessman representing French interests in US; financial advisor to Allies on war mobilization, 1940-1945; promoted European unification after 1945 through means such as the European Coal and Steel Community, European Defense Community, and Bilderberg Group||Worked with Frankfurter, McCloy, and Acheson during World War II; joined Acheson and George Ball in promoting Atlantic Partnership model of US-European relations after war||Met Richard Kerry and influenced his foreign policy views on NATO and European unification|
After the State Department transferred Kerry to Europe, he went on to work with other associates of Frankfurter and Acheson there. In 1954 the State Department sent Richard Kerry to Germany to serve as legal advisor to German High Commissioner James Conant. Conant, a former chemist, had previously served as Dean of Harvard, where he had developed a relationship with Felix Frankfurter and close Frankfurter associates such as Dean Acheson and Harvey Bundy (father of William and McGeorge).42 While at Harvard he had also served as a consultant to the Manhattan Project and later, at Achesons invitation,43 to the nascent Atomic Energy Commission, where he worked with Robert Oppenheimer to encourage sharing of US nuclear technology with the Soviet Union.44 Conant was later recommended to Acheson for the post of German High Commissioner by his predecessor in that position, John McCloy.45 When Conant left Harvard for Germany to replace McCloy, McGeorge Bundy became Dean of Faculty of Arts & Sciences at Harvard.46
Conants activity at Harvard had come under FBI surveillance for his protection of Communist professors, leading J. Edgar Hoover to complain that Conant had more or less condoned the employment of professors who might have communist backgrounds.47 The FBI also monitored Conants relationship with Robert Oppenheimer, whom Conant had approved for the Manhattan Project even after being warned that Oppenheimer was a security risk due to his Communist background. In February 1947 an FBI wiretap picked up a call where Oppenheimer urged Conant to influence Congress in the Atomic Energy Commission nomination of David Lilienthal,48, a Frankfurter apparatus member.49 Several of Conants scientific colleagues informed the FBI that they viewed Conant as a political ally of a pro-Oppenheimer clique at Los Alamos which opposed US atomic weapons programs such as the H-bomb program.50 Conants appointment as German High Commissioner in February 1953 was opposed by conservative politicians, including Joseph McCarthy.51 During 1953 McCarthys investigations led the State Department to request the resignation of five members of Conants staff, which Conant resisted, appealing for help to McCloy.52 Then from March through June 1954, Conant became involved in the defense of Oppenheimer when Oppenheimers security clearance was under review for revocation.53
It was shortly after this in late 1954 that Richard Kerry became Conants legal counsel. Conant proved unsupportive of CIA operations in Germany and uncooperative with German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. Adenauer and the CIA came to distrust him, and John Foster Dulles eventually had him replaced in 1957.54 Meanwhile in 1956, Kerry was transferred to a new post as special assistant to President Eisenhowers special ambassador to NATO, Walter F. George, a conservative Southern Democrat, who soon died in August 1957.55
While working for Conant, Kerrys interest in NATO diplomacy and European unification issues led him to develop a relationship with French politician Jean Monnet, a European associate of Frankfurter, Acheson, and McCloy. Monnet had become friends with McCloy while working on Wall Street with him in the 1930s.56 He became friends with Frankfurter while taking refuge in the United States after France fell in 1940, and Frankfurter introduced him to Washington political circles.57 Monnet relied on Frankfurter and McCloy to rally US support for Charles de Gaulles French Resistance movement,58 and he joined Frankfurter, Acheson, and McCloy in promoting the Lend-Lease program.59 After the war Monnet and Acheson promoted an Atlantic Partnership policy of US-European relations centered around NATO and a unified Europe, and opposed to the nationalistic vision of postwar Europe promoted by de Gaulle.60
Richard Kerry shared Monnet and Achesons enthusiasm for NATO and European unification. While attending conferences on European unification issues Kerry met Monnet, and he later introduced his son John to Monnet. In his book he developed a view of US-European relations echoing Monnet and Achesons view, and he chided fellow diplomat George Ball for not learning from his relationship with Monnet, writing, It is particularly difficult to account for Balls delusion in the perspective of his accomplishments and his exposure to French politics from his years of collaboration with Jean Monnet . . .61
|Richard Kerry||Advocated UN global government; regarded NATO and European unification as higher priorities than containing Communism||Opposed Vietnam War 1965+||Opposed aid to Contras in 1980s|
|Peggy Kerry||Worked at UN||Opposed Vietnam War 1967+|
|John Kerry||Described Western colonialism as bigger threat to Third World than Communism||Opposed Vietnam War 1965+||Opposed aid to Contras 1984+|
Through his echoing of Acheson and Monnets foreign policy views, Richard Kerry represented the legacy of the Acheson State Department within the Eisenhower administration.. Kerry in turn passed this legacy on to his children. His daughter Peggy as well as his son John adopted his liberal foreign policy views, including his opposition to the Vietnam War.
Peggy was Johns older sister and political mentor. In 1952 when she was in fifth grade and John was in third grade, she joined a club at school supporting Democratic Presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson, and John helped her sell Stevenson campaign buttons. Later in 1968, after graduating from Smith College and moving to Greenwich Village, she joined the Village Independent Democrats (VID),62 an activist group which had been formed by Stevensons supporters following his unsuccessful 1956 Presidential campaign and came to be known as the most liberal Democratic club in the state.63 While working with VID, Peggy became involved in the antiwar movement, which led antiwar feminist Bella Abzug to introduce her to Sheldon Ramsdell of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) in order to recruit her help in organizing 1969 antiwar rallies for the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC). Peggy in turn recruited her brother John to help fly antiwar speaker Adam Walinsky to VMC rallies, introducing John to the antiwar movement.64 Peggy went on to work for the ACLU, the New York Civil Liberties Union, Planned Parenthood, and the State Departments UN mission. She currently works as the nongovernmental organization (NGO) liaison at the State Departments UN mission, as meanwhile she works for her brothers campaign.65
Like Peggy, John also adopted Richards foreign policy views and opposition to the Vietnam War. During the 1950s John argued during a debate that the United States should open relations with Communist China,66 a foreign policy position Acheson had originally introduced to the State Department in 1949 following the advice of John Stewart Service and John Carter Vincent.67, two political allies of Soviet spy Laughlin Currie.68 In 1965, John echoed his fathers opposition to John Foster Dulles anti-Communism by arguing, It is the specter of Western Imperialism that causes more fear among Africans and Asians than communism, and thus it is self-defeating. In 1966 John gave a speech opposing the Vietnam War in words which echoed his fathers criticism of the polar choices of isolationism vs. interventionism, saying, What was an excess of isolationism has become an excess of interventionism. After John returned from Vietnam in 1969, his father challenged him to become more outspoken in his opposition to the war.69 Richard would also advise John during his Senate career as he opposed the Reagan administrations support of the Contras.70
The influence of Felix Frankfurters apparatus in the Acheson State Department was reflected in Richard Kerrys enthusiasm for the UN, his relationship with Jean Monnet, his advocacy of European unification, and his opposition to John Foster Dulles Cold War policies, which underlaid his opposition to the Vietnam War and the Contras. From these roots sprang John Kerrys foreign policy views, which would lead him to fake his way out of Vietnam and join Communist front groups in opposing the Vietnam War.
Next: Part 2: Forging a Paper Hero: The Mystery of Kerrys Medals
1Richard J. Kerry, Star-Spangled Mirror: A Fathers Legacy Shapes John Kerrys Worldview, with foreword by Franklin Foer, Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 2004 (1990); In Memoriam: 1940-1949: Richard J. Kerry 40, Harvard Law School, http://www.law.harvard.edu/alumni/bulletin/2001/spring/memoriam_main.html; Douglas Brinkley, Tour of Duty: John Kerry and the Vietnam War, New York: William Morrow, 2004, 19-30; Elizabeth Shelburne, The Thoughtful Soldier: Douglas Brinkley, the author of Tour of Duty, on John Kerrys conflicted but heroic service in Vietnam, Atlantic Unbound, http://www.theatlantic.com/unbound/interviews/int2004-03-10.htm, March 10, 2004; Franklin Foer, Kerrys World: Father Knows Best, CBS News, http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/03/02/opinion/main603542.shtml, March 2, 2004; Don Eriksson, John Kerrys roots come close to homeGroton, Pepperell Free Press, http://www.pepperellfreepress.com/Stories/0,1413,109~5521~2162728,00.html, May 21, 2004.
2For details on Brandeis and Frankfurters relationship, see Bruce Allen Murphy, The Brandeis/Frankfurter Connection: The Secret Political Activities of Two Supreme Court Justices, Oxford University Press, 1982; Garden City: Anchor Books, 1983.
4 Murphy, 54; James Chace, Acheson: The Secretary of State Who Created the American World, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998, 45, 48-49; Kai Bird, The Chairman: John J. McCloy and the Making of the American Establishment, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992, 53; Athan Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition, Temple University, 1988; New York: Bantam Books, 1990, 72.
5On the role of Brandeis, Frankfurter, and Frank in the appointments of Hiss, Pressman, and Witt, see Murphy, 33, 113-116 (cf. Roosevelt and Frankfurter: Their Correspondence, 1928-1945, annotator Max Freedman, Little, Brown and Company, 1967, 7-9); John Chabot Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976, 10-12; Joseph P. Lash, Dealers and Dreamers: A New Look at the New Deal, New York: Doubleday, 1985, 111, 217-218; Kenneth S. Davis, FDR: The New Deal Years, 1933-1937, A History,, New York: Random House, 1986, 275-281.
6 Lash, 7.
7Murphy, 204-245, esp. 224. On Curries espionage activity, see John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999; New Haven: Yale Nota Bene, 2000, 145-150.
8 Murphy, 296-302; James G. Hershberg, James B. Conant: Harvard to Hiroshima and the Making of the Nuclear Age, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993, 195-200, 812n16; Haynes and Klehr, 327-330; Herbert Romerstein and Eric Breindel, The Venona Secrets: Exposing Soviet Espionage and America's Traitors, Washington: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2000, 203, 264-277. Cf. Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, New York: Basic Books, 1999, 116-118; Bird, The Chairman, 417, 422-426; Chace, 125. Cf. SPY CASESUNITED STATES: Atomic Bomb Spies: Pavel Sudoplatov, The Literature of Intelligence: A Bibliography of Materials, with Essays, Reviews, and Comments, http://intellit.muskingum.edu/spycases_folder/bomb_folder/bombsudoplatov.html (cached at http://126.96.36.199/search?q=cache:6FwW_NohBFIJ:intellit.muskingum.edu/spycases_folder/bomb_folder/bombsudoplatov.html+niels+bohr+spy&hl=en) (August 23, 2004).
9B-1, Report 5, November 25, 27, 1918, U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD (hereafter NACP), RG 165, Military Intelligence Division (hereafter MID) 10110-920; B-1, Report 11, December 17, 1918, NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-920; Captain John B. Trevor to MID Director, February 19, 1919, NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-920, 245-18 (6); Judaism and the Present World MovementA Study, September 29, 1919, NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-920, 245-15 (1), 6, 15-16; Captain W.L. Moffat to MID Director, March 8, 1920, NACP, RG 165, MID 10565-115; August 19, 1919, NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-1194 (157-159); Captain W.L. Moffat to Captain Robert Snow, March 1920, NACP, RG 165, MID 10565-115; Major H.A Strauss, September 13, 1919, NACP, RG 165, MID 245-18 (3-8); Captain Henry Frothingham to MID Director, February 19, 1920, NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-1727; Bolshevik Activities, February 5, 1920, U.S. NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-1194 (300).
10L. Lanier Winslow to William L. Hurley, March 7, 1921 and Hurley to J. Edgar Hoover, March 15, 1921, NACP, RG 59, 000-1612; Department of Justice, General Intelligence Bulletin 44, April 2, 1921, 6, NACP, RG 165, MID 10110-4283; Colonel Gordon Johnston to MID Director, April 17, 1920, MID 10110-1534; J. Edgar Hoover to William L. Hurley, June 10, 1920, NACP, RG 59, 800.11-97; J. Edgar Hoover to Marlborough Churchill, June 15, 1922 and Colonel Sherman Miles to military attaché London, June 22, 1922, NACP, RG 165, MID 245-26 (1-2); J. Edgar Hoover to General Dennis E. Nolan, November 18, 1920, NACP, RG 165, MID 245-18; Theoharis and Cox, 76n-77n (cf. 166n).
11Theoharis and Cox, 258-269, esp. 266; John Earl Haynes, Red Scare or Red Menace? American Communism and Anticommunism in the Cold War Era, Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1996, 52-55; Romerstein and Breindel, 168.
12Brinkley, Tour of Duty, 21.
14 Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, The Wise Men: Six Friends and the World They Made, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986, 87-90, 125-126; Chace, 38-52, 59-61.
15Chace, 61-62; Murphy, 111-112, 115-117.
16Chace, 74-76; Isaacson and Thomas, 137-139.
17Report, USS Internal Security Subcommittee, April 14, 1953, cited in Archibald E. Roberts, Major, Victory Denied, 1966, http://www.republicusa.org/research/unfiles/communist_godfathers.html#reffive (July 21, 2001). Cf. Chace, 94-97. On UNRAA and Glasser, cf. Haynes and Klehr, 118, 125-128, 203-205.
18 Chace, 97-102. On White, cf. Haynes and Klehr, 138-145.
20Murphy, 240-241 245, 254-255, 276, 320-321.
21 Chace, 197, 200-201, 227, 357-358.
22 Chace, 130-131; Robert P. Newman, Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992, 139-140; William F. Buckley, Jr. and L. Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies: The Record and Its Meaning, Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1995 (1954), 9-17; Arthur Herman, Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator, New York: The Free Press, 2000, 94.
23 Isaacson and Thomas, 322.
24Romerstein and Breindel, 432-439.
25On Frankfurter and Lilienthal, see Murphy, 117; Davis, 93-94.
26On Frankfurter and McCloy, see Bird, The Chairman, 47-50, 53-56, 121, 125, 130-131, 170, 425, 482-483.
27 Chace, 117-129; Bird, The Chairman, 237-238, 260-264, 275-282; Isaacson and Thomas, 314-346, 350-351, 356-362; Hershberg, 258-278.
28J. Edgar Hoover to George E. Allen (to be passed to HST), May 29, 1946, Presidents Secretary FilesSubject File, Box 167, Subject FileFBIAtomic Bomb folder, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Mo.; Hershberg, 394, 856n10; Bird, The Chairman, 280-281, 412; Peter Grose, Operation Rollback: America's Secret War Behind the Iron Curtain, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000, 82.
29 Chace, 135-136, 151-155, 180, 439-440; Isaacson and Thomas, 321-323, 338-340, 350-351, 362-369.
30 Chace, 168-169; Isaacson and Thomas, 364-365.
31 Chace, 193-196, 225-229, 237-240.
32Acheson represented Currie when he was accused of beng a Communist in 1948: Newman, 74. On Currie's espionage activity, see Haynes and Klehr, 145-150.
33 Chace, 238; Newman, 362.
34Chace, 359-360; Isaacson and Thomas, 557; Bird, The Chairman, 392.
35 Chace, 226-229, 237-240, 311-312.
36 Herman, 228; Kai Bird, The Color of Truth: McGeorge Bundy and William Bundy: Brothers in Arms: A Biography, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998, 106-107, 155-157, 163-169; Bird, The Chairman, 413. On Frankfurter and the Bundy family, see Murphy, 201-202; Bird, The Color of Truth, 30-32, 66, 73, 99-101, 104, 188. Cf. Godfrey Hodgson, The Colonel: The Life and Wars of Henry Stimson, 1867-1950, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990, 246-247; Bird, The Chairman, 121, 182.
37On Acheson political activity during the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations and its relation to Nitze and McCloys activity, see Douglas Brinkley, Dean Acheson: The Cold War Years, 1953-1971, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992, 6-202; Isaacson and Thomas, 563-564, 570-572, 580-583; 589-641; Paul H. Nitze, Tension Between Opposites: Reflections on the Practice and Theory of Politics, New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1993, 144-148; Strobe Talbott, The Master of the Game: Paul Nitze and the Nuclear Peace, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988, 59-88; Bird, The Chairman, 389-544, esp. 386-388, 446-447, 450, 473-475.
38See Note 17; Sam Tanenhaus, Whittaker Chambers: A Biography, New York: Random House, 1997, 225-226; Herman, 110; Romerstein and Breindel, 48-50.
39Cf. Kerry, 17-19, 25, 46-48, 52, 55n, 125, 161, and esp. Kerrys critique of US bad manners towards Europe on 73-85 (cf. Achesons similar critique of Dulles recorded in Brinkley, Dean Acheson, 23, 31-32, 45-46, 67).
40Brinkley, Tour of Duty, , 40-42, 57-58.
41Email from Hollister Bundy, From Hollister: Uncle Johnny Kerry for President, January 30, 2004, forwarded by Alexander Wood to NY4Kerry New Yorkers for John Kerry, http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NY4Kerry/message/840, January 30, 2004 (August 18, 2004).
42On Conant and Frankfurter, see Hershberg, 72-73, 78, 87-88, 90, 99, 107, 196-198. On Conant and Acheson, see Hershberg, 264. On Conant and the Bundy family, see Hershberg, 127-128, 294-304.
43Hershberg, 263; cf. Isaacson and Thomas, 357.
44Hershberg, 165-168, 194-207, 306, 308, 313-319, 322-348, 357-358, 470-478, 487-490, 599, 601-605, 676-682.
46Bird, The Color of Truth, 117-153.
47Personal Letter, J. Edgar Hoover to Francis Walter, February 16, 1959, FBI 61-7582-4053; Theoharis and Cox, 356-357; Hershberg, 392, 416, 623, 625.
48J. Robert Oppenheimer to James B. Conant telephone conversation, February 17, 1947, FBI JRO File Serial 100-17828-148; Hershberg, 313-319.
49 Murphy, 117; Davis, 93-94; cf. Hershberg 308, 473, 477-478.
50Hershberg, 487-490, 596-597; cf. 599.
54Hershberg, 653, 660-667, 668-673, 688-689, 692, 695.
55See George, Walter Franklin, 1878-1957, Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=G000131 (June 9, 2004).
56Bird, The Chairman, 97. Cf. 104-106, 183, 336-337, 344, 405.
57Murphy, 212-215, 227-233.
58 Bird, The Chairman, 182-183.
59Murphy, 214-215; Brinkley, Dean Acheson, 1-2; Bird, The Chairman, 120-125; Isaacson and Thomas, 195. Cf. Thomas E. Mahl, Desperate Deception: British Covert Operations in the United States, 1939-1944, Washington: Brasseys, 1998, 166 on Frankfurter and Achesons role in the Destroyer Deal.
60Brinkley, Dean Acheson, 102-103, 131, 186-196.
61Kerry, x, xii, 83.
62Ed Gold, Kerrys big sister lending a hand in her own way, The Villager, http://www.thevillager.com/villager_42/kerrysbigsister.html, Volume 73, Number 42, February 18-24, 2004 (June 18, 2004); Kerrys Elder Sister is New York Delegate, http://www.usatoday.com/news/politicselections/nation/president/2004-07-28-peggy-kerry_x.htm?POE=NEWISVA, July 28, 2004 (August 22, 2004).
63Village Independent Democrats, http://www.villagedemocrats.com/vid_story.htm (August 22, 2004).
64Gerald Nicosia, Home to War: A History of the Vietnam Veterans Movement, New York: Crown Publishers, 2001, 49; Brinkley, 337; Gold; Kerrys Elder Sister is New York Delegate.
65Gold; Kerrys Elder Sister is New York Delegate.
66Brinkley, Tour of Duty, 34; Foer; Kerry, xii.
67Herman, 121-128, 168; Chace, 168, 210-224.
68Cf. Theoharis and Cox, 258-269; John Earl Haynes, Red Scare or Red Menace? American Communism and Anticommunism in the Cold War Era, Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1996, 52-55; Romerstein and Breindel, 168; Newman, 89-90.
69 Brinkley, Tour of Duty, 61-62; Jacob Leibenluft, Kerry '66: 'He was going to be president': In JFK's shadow, a headstrong Kerry makes his run for the White House, YaleDailyNews.com, http://www.yaledailynews.com/article.asp?AID=21803, February 14, 2003 (June 18, 2004); Foer; Kerry, xii-xiii.
70Kerry, xi, xiii; cf. 109-112, 117n22, 155-159.
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Somewhere I have saved a, I think, newsmax article that talks about the book or writings that Kerrys dad wrote.
In said writing, RKerry blasts America for going out and warning about how bad communism was. It seems Kerry's father may have thought communism was a good idea.
I will look for the article.
GREAT RESEARCH! Please keep me on your ping list!
"Americans," he writes, "are inclined to see the world and foreign affairs in black and white." They celebrate their own form of government and denigrate all others, making them guilty of what he calls "ethnocentric accommodation -- everyone ought to be like us." As a result, America has committed the "fatal error" of "propagating democracy" and fallen prey to "the siren's song of promoting human rights," falsely assuming that our values and institutions are a good fit in the Third World. And, just as Americans exaggerate their own goodness, they exaggerate their enemies' badness. The Soviet Union wasn't nearly as imperialistic as American politicians warned, Kerry argues. "Seeing the Soviet Union as the aggressor in every instance, and the U.S. as only reacting defensively, relieves an American observer from the need to see any parallel between our use of military power in distant parts of the world, and the Soviet use of military power outside the Soviet Union," he writes. He further claims that "Third world Marxist movements were autonomous national movements" -- outside Moscow's orbit. The book culminates in a plea for a hardheaded, realist foreign policy that removes any pretense of U.S. moral superiority.
Thanks! Will do.
I have come up with a new term,which applies to John Kerry and his sister Peggy and probably many more people.They are PINK DIAPER BABIES...not REDS,but awfully close.
We all must do EVERYTHING on our power,to make certain that this man (and I use the word very loosely!) is NEVER elected president!
Check out what and who JFKerry was brought up under.
Thanks, I'm glad to hear it helps focus the picture. I had a hard time focusing the article because there was *so* much information to summarize.
Useful term! Who knows for sure if his diapers were pink or red, but one thing's for sure: they stink!
"Thanks, I'm glad to hear it helps focus the picture. I had a hard time focusing the article because there was *so* much information to summarize."
We may well end up with a "commie" president, these people are playing for real and they do not care what it takes to get what they have been after all these years.
Unless Richard Kerry was a card carrying member of the American ( or other) Communist Party,then Jon's diapers are pink AND smelly! :-)
They got Clinton in there, and they came within inches with Gore in 2000. My sense is that with how close Gore came, they feel like it's time to go for broke, which is reflected in how Kerry is running his campaign.
Only he and the FBI would know! :) If I'd had more time to write this I would've done an FOIA on Richard Kerry's FBI files.
That is indeed the writing to which the newsmax article was listing.
It is very telling about Kerry, and many other modern democrats.
Kerry claims that his father was a giant impression for his views. The question must be raised...does John Kerry respect communism like his father did. His actions and statements since he started college seem to indicate that he does share that respect.
He has constantly taken the side of evil leaders. Whether be done by supporting and meeting with communist North Vietnam leaders, or supporting despots from places like Haiti where the leader brags about putting buring tires around the necks of people who speak out about atrocities.
And then there's also his long-time support of the pro-Castro/pro-Sandinista lobby. Pt. 4 of the series will get into that.
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