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Ramzi Yousef, Oklahoma City, and Al Qaeda: Linked in Documents? ^ | April 3, 2006

Posted on 04/03/2006 5:23:48 PM PDT by Calpernia

Does an obscure document, hidden among the hundreds of documents released recently from Iraq and Afghanistan, provide evidence linking Al Qaeda operative Ramzi Yousef to the Oklahoma City attack on the MurrahBuilding?

The Arabic-language handwritten document, numbered AFGP-2002-801138, and available at , contains a series of pages that were written in what appears to be some sort of daily planner.

The daily planner appears to be a standard daily calendar/agenda book, containing a daily calendar for the year 2000. The dates within the calendar are in English, and have the Islamic dates for each day as well.

The planner appears to be one sold commercially in Pakistan. The early pages of the planner are printed in English, and contain information that would be helpful to non-Urdu speaking persons in Pakistan, including emergency telephone numbers in Karachi, air travel times from Pakistan, and various other reference guides. It's interesting to note that the handwriting in the document is all in Arabic, despite the planner's Pakistani provenance.

A note at the beginning of the document states that the document was obtained from a "Boot Camp - Class of 2000" in Afghanistan. The term "Boot Camp" most likely refers to one of the Al Qaeda training camps operating in Afghanistan in that time period. Dated comments within the document confirm that the document was most likely written in the year 2000. Other notes indicate that the document is very likely a compilation of questions being prepared for use by Osama Bin Laden in the filming of a new videotape.

The document confirms the links between Al Qaeda and Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman, convicted in the US for his role in terrorism planning in New York City, and Ramzi Yousef, convicted Al Qaeda operative, calling them "brothers" (see page 122).

In respect to our Brothers who are imprisoned in the United States and other infidel countries, are there attempts or hope to release them such as sheikh 'Omar 'Abd Al-Rahman, Ramzi Yousef and others?

And in a series of questions, apparently forming a set from which Bin Laden can select questions to discuss in a video tape, goes on to implicate Yousef (and indirectly implicate Al Qaeda) in the April 1995 attack on Oklahoma City (see page 192).

We hear about the Oklahoma explosion and that it is the largest explosion in America. Is it the one planned by Ramzi Yousef or not? (Note: This question was circled and marked with two (X) marks.

The document goes on to pose other questions to Bin Laden with regards to "the Americans".

One particularly disturbing question discusses rumors of nuclear weapons and Iraq, implying that Iraq was already in possession of nuclear missiles in the summer of 2000. It's interesting to note the repeated references to Iraq even though the document was found in Afghanistan, but isn't surprising given the fact that many of the "mujahideen" were actually men from the Arab countries, including Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Jordan, and Egypt. (See page 178):

An Iraqi soldier said," America placed missiles with nuclear heads capability in Kuwait aimed on Russia and that what he saw with his own eyes. When Saddam occupied Kuwait he took these missiles along with its transporters and is still in Iraq. The United States is still looking for these missiles but could not find them because Saddam succeeded in hiding it. Is this claim true, and what do you think of it?

Many of the questions are quite ominous, and show that rumors of some sort of large scale attack against the United States was being planned in the summer of 2000.

What is the news about the battalions you are preparing? Do we have a role to play in it or not? We asked our instructors but no one gave an answer in this matter?

Why is there a delay in executing the martyrdom operations against the Americans?

We heard a lot about the (BATTALION) that will be dispatched from Afghanistan, are there news about it, and its destination?

Dear Sheikh, we pledged the legend to you to work and join Jihad movement, we will not let down, we are the soldiers of God. Please explain to us the importance of martyrdom operations against the American infidels?

One question is particularly disturbing:

What are the most famous and important American corporations that handle American interests and where is it located?

Other questions are more indirect - implying that the US of international "troublemaking".

Is it in the American interest to stir trouble in Iran? I read in a study that the United States created a Shiite state in case an eastern and a western Sunnis states clash or not with this Shiite state. The study concluded that Khumeini was delivered to Tahran during the revolution by an American combat aircraft?

As more of these documents are released and examined, it is very likely that we will find not only a wide range of "smoking gun" evidence regarding earlier terror attacks, but we will likely gain insight into the minds of Al Qaeda. Hopefully we will be able to translate this insight into prevention of future terror attacks.

Note: Special thanks to Freeper Peach for pointing out this document to me.


For more translations and news on terrorism, visit

TOPICS: Foreign Affairs; Front Page News; News/Current Events; US: Oklahoma; War on Terror
KEYWORDS: alqaeda; iraqiintelligence; jihadinamerica; okc; okcbombing; oklahomacity; prewardocs; ramziyousef; yousef
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To: eyespysomething

I am posting now. I lost my Internet Connection last night.

101 posted on 04/04/2006 6:27:58 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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... A few days after arriving at JFK with Ajaj, Yousef made contact with Sheik Rahman's followers. He met up with two men who had trained at the rifle range on Long Island in 1989, Abouhalima and Salameh. [Ramzi] Yousef moved into a Jersey City apartment with Salameh.... Abdul Yasin, an American-born engineering student of Iraqi descent, and Nidal Ayyad, a Kuwaiti-born naturalized American citizen, who had studied chemical engineering and worked at ALLIED SIGNAL in Morristown, N.J. In addition to opening bank accounts with more than $16,000, the men began trying to order chemicals, with varying success. By early February, Yousef asked Eyad Ismoil, a childhood friend who lived in Dallas, to fly to New York to help, prosecutors claimed in the trial.

102 posted on 04/04/2006 6:29:46 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Calpernia
"The United States is still looking for these missiles but could not find them because Saddam succeeded in hiding it. Is this claim true, and what do you think of it?"

There is/was no need for nuclear missiles in Kuwait and I believe this is BS.

103 posted on 04/04/2006 6:41:22 AM PDT by blam
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To: HardStarboard

Excuse me? I was referring to the media spin.

104 posted on 04/04/2006 6:49:12 AM PDT by sageb1 (This is the Final Crusade. There are only 2 sides. Pick one.)
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Afghans have been considerably active in transnational terrorism.
Kashmir, where Islamist militants operate out of ISI training bases in Afghanistan

John Cooley, a journalist with decades of experience, specifically points to Afghan terrorism against both Muslims and Hindus in Kashmir. In Unholy Wars, Cooley states "As of September 1997, Indian troops [in Kashmir] had reported killing 302 mercenaries, including 118 Afghans and 106 Pakistanis. ...Some 80 foreign guerrillas, mainly Afghans and Pakistnis, had been taken prisoner." And Victory, a book celebrating the Reagan covert operations that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union, describes members of the Reagan administration greeting with delight the news of mujahideen terrorism in Uzbekistan before the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan.

In Charley Wilson's War, Crile's contradicts this assertions and facts that Afghanistan was involved with transnational terrorism. All these sources were published and widely available before Charley Wilson's War went to press. Crile relied entirely on narrow and selective interviews with an extremely small group of people, his toning down of Afghanistan was incredible.

Charley Wilson's War:

The CIA's policy of "credible deniability" exonerates them on charges of "blowback" and arming Islamic terrorism.

"The CIA had deeded to the Pakistan intelligence service, the ISI, the right to decide which mujahideen leaders would recieve the Agency's weapons..." [pg. 198]

"Unlike the CIA and the U.S. government, which operated with a strict taboo against any Americans crossing into Afghanistan..." [pg. 199]

"Over the long years of the Cold War, a kind of unwritten understanding had emerged between the superpowers about rules of engagement in proxy wars. The implicit understanding in Afghanistan was that the United States would not taunt the Soviets with an overt demonstration of involvement." [pg. 217]

In the late 1970's, the CIA was in upheaval. The excesses, blunders and outright disasters of the 1960's and early 1970's in Greece, Chile, Vietnam and many other places had culminated in the United States' massive defeat in Vietnam. The Agency had presided over a nearly endless series of intelligence failures and was undergoing the only real shakeup in its history. The Shah of Iran was tottering on his Peacock Throne and nobody at Langley seemed to notice.

Iran was the responsibility of the CIA's Near East Division (Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan.) But all attention was focussed on Afghanistan. Beginning with some disorders instigated by Shite radicals associated with Ayahtollah Khomeni in Iran, the United States

In a series of pointless provocations, the CIA was working hard to provoke unrest and rebellion against the Marxist government in Kabul. They succeeded in causing enough disturbance to spook the Soviet Union into invading Afghanistan on Christmas Day, 1979.

Before the invasion, the Soviets had a military presence in Afghanistan, but a limited one. The Soviets staged a massive invasion and occupation. Crile gives the impression that the Soviet invasion was some sort of master plan for the conquest of the entire region from Pakistan to Saudi Arabia. The U.S. had precipitated an Islamic rebellion in Iran and was backing other Islamic fundamentalists because they were "anti-communist." The Soviets were not going to have the madness spread to their bordering client state in Afghanistan where it might incite Islamic revolts inside the U.S.S.R.. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was an act of panic.

Several years earlier, Pakistan had embarked on the process of building the Islamic Bomb.

They were encouraged in this by the United States as part of the Nixon Doctrine of persuading client states like Japan, Korea, Vietnam, the Phillipines, Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to take on more of the regional security tasks during the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. This policy launched a campaign of conventional and nuclear weapons proliferation, abrogation of the Bretton Woods agreement (on stabilizing international exchange rates) and a fundamental realignment of foreign policy. Most Americans only remember the "Vietnamization" aspect of the Nixon Doctrine, but

One of the programs central to the Nixon Doctrine was a series of arms for oil deals with Iran, Saudi Arabia and Indonesia. Some of these spiralled out of control in the Lockheed, McDonnel / Douglas and Koreagate scandals. The deregulated financial policy opened the door for a new realm of "hot money" banks like Nugan Hand and the Pakistani Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI.) BCCI would quickly become the backbone of the Pakistani nuclear technology transfer network. After the collapse of BCCI, the same network would begin flowing in the opposite direction by marketing nuclear arms technology to Iran, Iraq, North Korea and Libya.

So the Pak were building a nuclear capability with the U.S. agreeably turning a blind eye.

The 1977 coup deposed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (the Prime Minister at the time of the Nixon Doctrine's implimentation) and paved the way for Zia Al Haq to become dictator. In 1979, Al Haq arranges the judical murder of Bhutto on corruption charges related to the McDonell / Douglas scandal, among other things. The U.S. is shocked, shocked, I say, to discover Pakistan is building a uranium enrichment plant. In a fury of feigned outrage against the excesses of the Zia dictatorship, the U.S. cuts off Pakistan's military aid at the same time the CIA is trying to start a rebellion in Afghanistan -- thereby provoking a Soviet invasion of Pakistan's neighbor.

Sound complicated? Crile never mentions any of these events as the prologue to the little morality play he's selling in Charlie Wilson's War. Instead, it's all godless commies trampling the freedom-loving Afghans as part of an evil plot to invade the Mideast oil regions (which happen to be on the other side of Iran from Afghanistan.)

The Socialite and the Dictator

Crile's Afghan fairy tale starts with an ultra-rightwing Houston socialite named Joanne Herring. By the late 1970's Herring had been recruited by the Pakistanis. As their honorary consul in Houston.

Pakistani president Zia ul Haq was desperate to get the arms embargo lifted and prevent further interference with the Pakistani nuclear program. To do this, it was necessary to obtain political influence in Washington, D.C.. Fortunately for the Islamic bomb, Pakistan had an agent, Joanne Herring, perfectly placed to recruit a dissolute and corrupt member of the House Military Appropriations Subcommittee, good ol' Charlie Wilson.

Herring had little difficulty selling the credulous Rep. Wilson on jihad as a means of killing communists. But killing communists wasn't the role Zia and the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) had in mind for Wilson; it was just the bait. The real purpose of recruiting the high-living Texan was acquiring the atomic bomb.

And thus, Charlie Wilson's war became the means for swindling the U.S. government into not just allowing, but indirectly funding, the development of the nuclear weapons most likely to used by Islamic terrorists, Iran, North Korea and Libya to attack the United States.

Nuclear Jihad from Texas

The following passages illustrate this central focus of Rep. Wilson's relationship with the Pakistani Islamic bomb. They illustrate the limited and misleading discussion in the book regarding the centrality of the Islamic bomb to the relationship between Rep. Wilson and Pakistan:

"Wilsons importance to Zia and Pakistan went beyond the extra money. Every year the Appropriations subcommittee members fought a battle royal over charges that Pakistan was actively pursuing an Islamic bomb. And every year Wilson, sometimes single-handedly, beat back those accusations. The fact is, Pakistan was working on the bomb, as Wilson, the CIA and almost everyone else knew. Furthermore, it was not about to stop." [pg. 420. emphasis in original]

"The great unpredictable element in this entire mix, the unknown that threatened to unravel absolutely everything for Zia, was the matter of the bomb - or rather, the intense national effort then being mounted in Pakistan to build an Islamic bomb. If the American Congress were confronted with evidence that Pakistan was on the verge of having a bomb, there was no question it would trigger an immediate move to cut off all foreign aid.

"It was all quite unfair from Zia's point of view. No one in the Reagan administration had any illusions about Pakistan's bomb-building program. Even Zia's democratic predecessor, Zulfikar All Bhutto, had been working on the bomb. Nor would it have escaped any of the Reaganites that once Pakistan had a bomb, it would use American F-16s if it ever wanted to drop one on India.

"The dirty little secret of the Afghan war was that Zia had extracted a concession early on from Reagan: Pakistan would work with the CIA against the Soviets in Afghanistan, and in return the United States would not only provide massive aid but would agree to look the other way on the question of the bomb.

"Zia understood, however, that if he were ever caught red-handed, the White House could not protect him from the wrath of Congress. That was where Wilson, with his seat on the Appropriations subcommittee, came in. By now Zia knew how critical this committee was to Pakistan's fate. There had already been one close call in 1985, when a Pakistani agent had been caught in the United States trying to buy Kryton high-speed triggers, the switching devices used to fire nuclear weapons. ...Ironically, the CIA had helped to bring on the crisis; part of its job was to expose Zia's bomb-building efforts, and every station chief in Islamabad had given this a high priority." [pg. 463]

"...In July [1987], just after Congress had passed legislation authorizing a new aid package to Pakistan, a man widely believed to be Zia's agent, Arshad Pervez, was caught in Philadelphia trying to buy twenty-five tons of a specialty steel alloy vital to the building of a nuclear bomb.

"It was dramatically worse than the Kryton-trigger affair of 1985. This time there was a Solarz amendment on the books that would force the White House to stop all aid. There was no realistic way to avoid it: Congress was going to cut Zia off…

"…Wilson would later call his subsequent efforts to save Zia's military aid, 'my greatest achievement in Congress.' Perhaps he remembers it this way because he is at heart a political artist and can assess the value of an accomplishment by the difficulty of the task. Everything else he had accomplished had been carried out in the shadows and behind closed doors. Here he had to operate publicly against a coalition of virtuous liberals. He had the thankless task to trying to defend the right of a Muslim dictator to break U.S. law in order to build all Islamic bomb while still qualifying for massive U.S. foreign aid. And he had to do it in the name of protecting a massive CIA killing-war.

"On the face of it, this was a lost cause. U.S. policy was firmly comitted to nuclear nonproliferation. A law had clearly been violated. The president had no choice but to trigger the Solarz amendment and cut off Zia's aid. Even if Reagan claimed a national security waiver, Congress was now committed to enforcing its own law.

"But Wilson would end up forcing his colleagues to abandon their pretense of ethical deliberation. For this lone issue, he would strip Congress down to a body that operates solely on the basis of power and horse trading. Here, he would call in every chit and, to the horror of his liberal friends, win." [pgs 477-8]

But in these passages, Crile makes it very clear that the goal of pursuing the CIA's proxy war in Afghanistan and killing Russian soldiers trumped the national security interests of the United States in preventing nuclear proliferation. Overall, the Islamic bomb's role in Crile's drama is one of misdirection and ultimately whitewash. The cover story was the ostensible belief the United States would be able to control Pakistan's atomic program.

That delusion was publicly shattered in recent months when the Pakistani nuclear black market program to arm Iran, Libya and North Korea was finally exposed. The collaboration between Pakistan and the other countries had long been suspected.

Crile never mentions the repeated exposure of Pakistan's covert nuclear sales to other countries during the period covered in Charlie Wilson's War. Even the most cursory research would have uncovered it.

The question that must be addressed is Crile's misrepresentation of the history of the Islamic bomb. It can't be claimed that Crile was unable to discover these facts, since the book was written long after the disclosures of Pakistan's nuclear black market program. But the misrepresentation is perfectly in accord with the interests of Crile's sources and main characters in the book.

105 posted on 04/04/2006 6:54:57 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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It was only the beginning of the extraordinary maneuvers Wilson had to make to push this bill through a highly reluctant Congress. By then even his most reliable ally, John Murtha, the chairman of the Defense Appropriations subcommittee, wanted to end the CIA program. Murtha was appalled at reports of the mujahideen's drug trafficking, but in the end he stood with Charlie, and his support guaranteed the bill's passage in the House. It was passed in the Senate that fall. The secret appropriation was hidden in the $298 billion Defense bill for fiscal year 1992. When it was presented for a vote, no one but the interested few noticed the $200 million earmarked for the Afghans.

And so, as the mujahideen were poised for their thirteenth year of war, instead of being cut off; it turned out to be a banner year. They found themselves with not only a $400 million budget but also with a cornucopia of new weaponry sources that opened up when the United States decided to send the Iraqi weapons captured during the Gulf War to the mujahideen.

However disgraceful the mujahideen's conduct was in the following months, in April 1992 they managed to stop fighting one another long enough to take Kabul. Once again Charlie felt vindicated. He had stayed the course and allowed the victory that belonged to the Afghans to occur. But then everything became ugly. By August, the interim foreign minister, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, was outside of the capital, with his artillery shelling the positions of his former comrade in arms, the interim defense minister Ahmad Shah Massoud. Kabul, which had survived the entire Afghan war relatively intact, was suddenly subjected to intense urban warfare. Before it was over, close to 40 percent of the housing was destroyed; the art museum was leveled; the palace ravaged.

Under normal circumstances, such misuse of American resources should have led to a scandal or at least entered the American consciousness as an issue of concern. But the anarchy in Kabul was completely overshadowed by the historic events sweeping the world. In December 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist. Everywhere across the twelve time zones of the former Soviet Union, statues of Lenin were coming down and freedom was breaking out in a Russia reborn. People were now referring to the United States as the world's lone superpower.

For the men who ruled the CIA, Afghanistan was acknowledged as the main catalyst that helped trigger these historic changes. Flush with the glory of tumbling dominoes and convinced that the Afghan campaign had been the key to it all, the Directorate of Operations led a ceremony on a sunny humid June day in 1993 to recognize the man who had made it possible. Without Charlie Wilson, Director Woolsey said in his comments, "History might have been hugely different and sadly different". It wasn't the parade that Charlie had sought, but then no other member of Congress, indeed no outsider, had ever been singled out by the CIA for such an accomplishment. If that's where it all had ended for Charlie Wilson -- standing tall at the CIA's Langley headquarters that day with the fear of nuclear war fast receding and America now the world's only superpower - then it truly would have been a Cold War fairy tale come true.

But that's not the way history works. Inevitably, great events have unintended consequences. What no one involved anticipated was that it might be dangerous to awaken the dormant dreams and visions of Islam. Which is, of course, exactly what happened. There were many early warnings well before Charlie's award at Langley. In January of that year, a young Pakistani, Mir Aimal Kasi, walked down the line of cars at the gates of the CIA and calmly murdered two officers before escaping to Pakistan where he was embraced as a folk hero. A month later a bomb went off in the car park of the World Trade Center. What emerged from the smoke was a clear indication that some of the veterans of the Afghan campaign now identified America as their enemy.

As early as a year before at Khost, a haunting portrait of the future was already in place: battle-hardened Afghan mujahideen, armed to the teeth and broken down into rival factions -- one of the largest being a collection of Arab and Muslim volunteers from around the world. Pakistan's former intelligence chief, Hamid Gul, maintains that over the course of the jihad, up to thirty thousand volunteers from other countries had come into Pakistan to take part in the holy war. What now seems clear is that, under the umbrella of the CIA's program, Afghanistan had become a gathering place for militant Muslims from around the world, a virtual Mecca for radical Islamists. As early as the Gulf War, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, long the main recipient of CIA weaponry, had articulated his belief that the United States was seeking world domination and control of Muslim oil. The man Charlie once described as "goodness personified," Jalaluddin Haqani, had long been a gateway for Saudi volunteers, and for years the CIA had no problem with such associations. Osama bin Laden was one of those volunteers who could frequently be found in the same area where Charlie had been Haqani's honored guest. As the CIA's favorite commander, Haqani had received bags of money each month from the station in Islamabad.

The presumption at Langley had been that when the United States packed its bags and cut off the Afghans, the jihad would simply burn itself out. If the Afghans insisted on killing one another, it would be a shame but not America's problem. Perhaps that policy would have worked out had it been only weapons that we left behind. But the more dangerous legacy of the Afghan war is found in the minds and convictions of Muslims around the world. To them the miracle victory over the Soviets was all the work of Allah -- not the billions of dollars that America and Saudi Arabia poured into the battle, not the ten-year commitment of the CIA that turned an army of primitive tribesmen into technoholy warriors. The consequence for America of having waged a secret war and never acknowledging or advertising its role was that we set in motion the s pirit of jihad and the belief in our surrogate soldiers that, having brought down one superpower, they could just as easily take on another.

The morning of September 11, 2001, broke bright and shining in the nation's capital. As was his custom before leaving for work, Charlie Wilson walked out on to his terrace to take in the spectacular view. Never in history had a nation accumulated such dominance over the rest of the world as the United States had in the decade following the Soviet collapse. Wilson's name was all but unknown to most Americans, but as he looked out over the monuments and the historic houses of government, he had every reason to believe that he had played a part in the startling disappearance of America's greatest enemy.

A call from a friend interrupted his morning ritual: "Do you have your television on?" The sight of the World Trade Center in flames stunned him, but like most Americans, he assumed it had to have been a horrendous accident. Some ten minutes later he was watching when the second plane appeared on screen and flew straight into the second tower. A sickening realization gripped him: it had to be the work of terrorists, and, if so, he had little doubt that the killers were Muslims.

"I didn't know what to think, but figured if I got downtown I could learn more." By then Wilson had retired from Congress and was working as a lobbyist, with Pakistan as one of his main accounts. At 9:43 am, half an hour after the first attack, he was driving across the Fourteenth Street Bridge with the windows up and news radio blasting so loud that he didn't hear the explosion that rocked the Pentagon less than a mile away.

For five straight nights he watched, until the fires were finally put down and the smoke cleared. He didn't know what to make of it all at first. When the photographs of the nineteen hijackers appeared in n ewspapers across the country, he took some comfort in pointing out that they were all Arabs, not Afghans. "It didn't register with me for a week or two that this thing was all based in my mountains."

For most Americans, the events of 9/11 were quickly tied to Afghanistan when it was learned that the hijackers had all spent time there. Much was made of this by the Bush administration, which assailed the Taliban for harboring Osama bin Laden and for allowing Afghanistan to become a breeding ground for international terrorists. The American public rallied behind the president when he launched his "war on terror". But almost everyone seemed confused about who the terrorists were, and all but clueless to explain why they hated the United States so much.

The question is not so difficult to understand if you put yourself in the shoes of the Afghan veterans in the aftermath of the Soviet departure. Within months, the U.S. government "discovered" what it had known for the past eight years -- that Pakistan was hard at work on the Islamic bomb. (The dirty little secret of the Afghan war was that Zia had extracted a concession early on from Reagan: Pakistan would work with the CIA against the Soviets in Afghanistan, and in return the United States would provide massive aid but would agree to look the other way on the question of the bomb.) But with the Russians gone, sanctions were imposed and all military and economic assistance was cut off. A fleet of F-16s that Pakistan had already purchased was withheld. Within a year, the Clinton Administration would move to place Pakistan on the list of state sponsors of terrorism for its support of Kashmiri freedom fighters. The Pakistan military had long been the surrogates for the CIA, and every Afghan and Arab mujahid came to believe that America had betrayed the Pakistanis. And when the United States kept its troops (including large numbers of women) in Saudi Arabia, not just bin Laden but most Islamists believed that America wanted to seize the Islamic oil fields and was seeking world domination.

By the end of 1993, in Afghanistan itself there were no roads, no schools, just a destroyed country -- and the United States was washing its hands of any responsibility. It was in this vacuum that the Taliban and Osama bin Laden would emerge as the dominant players. It is ironic that a man who had had almost nothing to do with the victory over the Red Army, Osama bin Laden, would come to personify the power of the jihad. In 1998, when bin Laden survived $100 million worth of cruise missiles targeted at him, it reinforced the belief that Allah had chosen to protect him against the infidels.

It's not what Charlie Wilson had in mind when he took up the cause of the Afghans. Nevertheless, in spite of 9/11 and all the horrors that have flowed from it, he steadfastly maintains that it was all worth it and that nothing can diminish what the Afghans accomplished for America and the world with their defeat of the Red Army: "I truly believe that this caused the Berlin Wall to come down a good five, maybe ten, years before it would have otherwise. Over a million Russian Jews got their freedom and left for Israel; God knows how many were freed from the gulags. At least a hundred million Eastern Europeans are breathing free today, to say nothing of the Russian people. It's the truth, and all those people who are enjoying those freedoms have no idea of the part played by a million Afghan ghosts. To this day no one has ever thanked them.

"They removed the threat we all went to sleep with every night, of World War III breaking out. The countries that used to be in the Warsaw Pact are now in NATO. These were truly changes of biblical proportion, and the effect the jihad had in accelerating these events is nothing short of miraculous.

"These things happened. They were glorious and they changed the world. And the people who deserved the credit are the ones who made the sacrifice. And then we fucked up the endgame."


The chairman of the Defense Appropriations subcommittee at the time, Rep. John Murtha (D-Pa.), had been caught in the FBI's ABSCAM sting operation in which an agent disguised as a Saudi sheik offered members of Congress large cash bribes. O'Neill put Wilson on the Ethics Committee to save Murtha, which he did. In return, O'Neill assigned Wilson to the defense appropriations subcommittee and made him a life member of the governing board of the John F. Kennedy Performing Arts Center, where he delighted in taking his young dates.

106 posted on 04/04/2006 6:59:09 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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One of the programs central to the Nixon Doctrine was a series of arms for oil deals with Iran, Saudi Arabia and Indonesia. Some of these spiralled out of control in the Lockheed, McDonnel / Douglas and Koreagate scandals. The deregulated financial policy opened the door for a new realm of "hot money" banks like Nugan Hand and the Pakistani Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI.) BCCI would quickly become the backbone of the Pakistani nuclear technology transfer network. After the collapse of BCCI, the same network would begin flowing in the opposite direction by marketing nuclear arms technology to Iran, Iraq, North Korea and Libya.
Marc Rich Recommended for Further Investigation in BCCI Senate Report

107 posted on 04/04/2006 7:01:12 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Calpernia


108 posted on 04/04/2006 7:03:43 AM PDT by Unicorn (Too many wimps around.)
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By the time that U.S. funding of Pakistan's proxy forces was finally cut off in 1993 -- two years after the Soviet Union ceased to exist -- Islamist terrorism was already a well recognized problem in Kashmir, Egypt, Somalia, the Phillipines, Sudan and numerous other hot spots throughout the Muslim world. And the funding was still flowing when the Islamist cell associated with Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman began planning the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center. The peak for U.S. funding of the guerillas coincided with the peak period for foreign volunteers in Afghanistan and Pakistan. It was this time, roughly from 1989 through 1992 that saw the establishment of Osama Bin Laden's Al Qaida, the Abu Sayyaf and other transnational Isamist terrorist groups.

Pakistani national in one of the
apartments in Manila. Murad was a
member of an international terrorist
group planning to kill Pope John Paul II
on his scheduled visit to Manila from
January 10–15 for the Celebration of the
World Youth Day. Pieces of evidence
recovered revealed the group’s plan to
bomb U.S commercial airlines plying the
Manila - Hong Kong - Los Angeles. route.

This plot was to be the centerpiece of the
so-called “Oplan Bojinka” which was an
intricate network of international
terrorists using the Philippines as a
venue of their terrorists activities. The
bombing of a Philippine Airlines jet
bound for Japan from Cebu on December
11, 1994 was a test-run to Oplan Bojinka.
It can be recalled that one Japanese
national was killed while several others
were wounded during the incident.

4. Free Vietnam Revolutionary Group
(FVRG) Terrorist Cell
The presence of this terrorist cell was
recently discovered with the arrest of Vu
Van Doc, a U. S. citizen of Vietnamese
origin, Huynh Thuan Ngoc, a Swiss
citizen of Vietnamese origin and Makoto
Ito, a Japanese national on August 30,
2001. One of the arrested suspects, Vu
Van Doc, who operates a terrorist cell in
the Philippines is a member of the Free
Vietnam Revolutionary Group (FVRG),
the military arm of the Government of
Free Vietnam (GFV), a worldwide
organization engaged in liberating the
Republic of Vietnam from communist

The arrested suspects were reportedly
planning to conduct bombing activities
targeting the Vietnamese Embassy in
Manila on or before September 2, 2001,
which is the National Day of the Republic
of Vietnam.

109 posted on 04/04/2006 7:03:53 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Peach; StillProud2BeFree

Snippets and posts from notes I've been clipping over the years.

I lost my net connection last night so just getting back on now.

110 posted on 04/04/2006 7:04:47 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: ravingnutter

Excellent, thank you.

111 posted on 04/04/2006 7:11:45 AM PDT by Velveeta
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To: Calpernia; SittinYonder

Thanks. I will read later, I am headed out the door.

112 posted on 04/04/2006 7:16:01 AM PDT by eyespysomething
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To: Calpernia

Calpernia - thank you so much for posting all that information. You would enjoy reading the book The New Jackals by Simon Reeve. It is about OBL and Ramzi Yousef.

113 posted on 04/04/2006 7:23:51 AM PDT by Peach
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To: Coleus; OldFriend


114 posted on 04/04/2006 7:26:05 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Peach

Thanks. I will get that book.

115 posted on 04/04/2006 7:27:11 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Calpernia

NO way. We do not need missiles in kuwait to serve our strategic nucular intrests. We can hit anywhere we wish from any ocean we wish to hit from and it would be next to impossible to find the launch platform. You want to talk terrorism? Were we of the same mind as the idiots in the M.E. they would all be insane with terror by now, wondering when we are going to destroy another 3 or 4 million people and a coupla' major capitals seeing as how we nailed Mecca during the haj.

116 posted on 04/04/2006 7:27:36 AM PDT by ping jockey (radical islam; the great evil of all times.)
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To: null and void; StillProud2BeFree

>>>They were encouraged in this by the United States as part of the Nixon Doctrine of persuading client states like Japan, Korea, Vietnam, the Phillipines, Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to take on more of the regional security tasks during the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. This policy launched a campaign of conventional and nuclear weapons proliferation, abrogation of the Bretton Woods agreement (on stabilizing international exchange rates) and a fundamental realignment of foreign policy. Most Americans only remember the "Vietnamization" aspect of the Nixon Doctrine, but<<<<

What ever this Bretton Woods agreement was might lend some light about the thoughts of nukes in Kuwait.

117 posted on 04/04/2006 7:31:15 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: ravingnutter

Excellent info. thanks.

118 posted on 04/04/2006 7:35:30 AM PDT by justshutupandtakeit (If you believe ANYTHING in the Treason Media you are a fool.)
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To: Velveeta; truthaboveall; doug from upland

I know Jayne has some great notes on the Phillipines and the doc in my post 109 might be useful.

119 posted on 04/04/2006 7:35:39 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: americaprd; ovrtaxt; ravingnutter

post 94

120 posted on 04/04/2006 7:38:26 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: DocRock


121 posted on 04/04/2006 7:43:00 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: eyespysomething; ravingnutter

Just making sure you saw this post I'm pinging you to. I didn't see it until this morning, but it's along the lines of what we talked about last night.

Thanks ravingnutter for this valuable information.

122 posted on 04/04/2006 7:44:47 AM PDT by SittinYonder (That's how I saw it, and see it still.)
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To: null and void; Peach

Monsanto owns an Ohio Laboratory that deals with nuclear facilities.

123 posted on 04/04/2006 7:51:44 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Calpernia
I was close to downtown OKC when the bomb went off.

Personally I have never bought in to the fraud that this was just a couple of disgruntled guys getting revenge on the feds.

Way to many eye witnesses observed things that were never checked out or were seemingly conveniently covered up.

OKC has a large Hamas population.

These are militants that have assimilated into the general population.

Members of the religion of piece.
124 posted on 04/04/2006 7:53:53 AM PDT by OKIEDOC (There's nothing like hearing someone say thank you for your help.)
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To: Calpernia

Bretton-Woods is the name of the town wherein an agreement was made in the 50s I believe which put the world upon a fixed exchange rate mechanism for currencies. It lead to to outflow of gold from the US because of the expenses of the Vietnam War and a weakening of the dollar.

Since gold outflows force currency devaluations under a fixed exchange rate Nixon removed the US from the agreement by taking the US off the Gold Standard. We have been on a Floating Exchange rate regime ever since in which the relative values of currencies are established on a moment to moment basis by the currency market.

It had nothing to do with Kuwait.

125 posted on 04/04/2006 8:13:23 AM PDT by justshutupandtakeit (If you believe ANYTHING in the Treason Media you are a fool.)
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To: Calpernia

Do you still have those al Taqwa/Ahmed Huber links?

126 posted on 04/04/2006 8:17:43 AM PDT by Velveeta
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Comment #127 Removed by Moderator

Re: Post 109

Philippines Cell

Al Qaeda: A Philippine jihadi Ustadz Abdurajak Janjalani, a leader of the 400 Filipino mujiheddin, befriended bin Laden in Pakistan in the late-1980s. Janjalani who was committed to waging jihad back in the southern Philippines, established the Al Harakatul Islamiya, commonly known as the Abu Sayyaf, with some $6 million in Bin LadenÂ’s and Libyan support in 1991. Both Janajalani and bin Laden were angered at the largest Islamic group, the MNLFÂ’s ongoing peace talks with the government, which they considered a betrayal of the Muslim community Bin Laden looked to the Abu Sayyaf as Al QaedaÂ’s regional constituent group.

Bin Laden then developed an independent Al Qaeda presence. In 1988 he dispatched his brother-in-law Mohammad Jammal Kalifa to the Philippines to recruit fighters for the war in Afghanistan. In 1991 he returned to establish a permanent Al Qaeda network. he was officially the regional director for the Saudi-based charity, the Islamic International Relief Organization (IIRO), responsible not just for projects in the Philippines but also in Indonesia, Thailand and Taiwan.

Khalifa set out to establish a thorough network. He married a local woman, Jameela (Alice) Yabo, who was the sister of a young Islamic student at Mindanao State University, Abu Omar. Omar and Khalifa met at an IIRO-sponsored conference in 1988. This marriage helped get Khalifa established and able to penetrate the Muslim community. Khalifa also established a rattan furniture import-export company as a front. He purchased products from Muslim regions. Though this company was not profitable, it was sustaining. More importantly, though, it was a good cover for Khalifa to transfer funds into the country and broaden his network in Mindanao.

KhalifaÂ’s charities did do some good work. He established the DawÂ’l Immam Al Shafee Center, a Muslim charity organization. He established Al-Maktum University in Zamboanga using funds from the IIRO. He also established a branch office of the IIRO in Zamboanga. According to the IIROÂ’s office in Saudi Arabia, its activities include an orphanage and dispensary in Cotabato City, dispensaries and pharmacies in Zamboanga. It provided food and clothing to internally displaced people who fled war zones. In addition IIRO funding went to schools and scholarships. And it asserts that it always does this if not in cooperation with the government, with at least official approval.

Yet the IIRO quickly caught the interest of the Philippine police and military intelligence who saw it as a front organization for insurgent activities. “The IIRO which claims to be a relief institution is being utilized by foreign extremists as a pipeline through which funding for the local extremists are being coursed through,” a Philippine intelligence report noted. An Abu Sayyaf defector acknowledged that “The IIRO was behind the construction of mosques, school buildings and other livelihood projects” but only “in areas penetrated, highly influenced and controlled by the Abu Sayyaf.” Scholarships, likewise, were given to students to become Islamic scholars. The defector said the IIRO was used by Bin Laden and Khalifa to distribute funds for the purchase of arms and other logistical requirements of the Abu Sayyaf and MILF: “Only 10 to 30 percent of the foreign funding goes to the legitimate relief and livelihood projects and the rest go to terrorist operations.”

Anzar, an Abu Sayyaf defector, said Bin Laden and Khalifa financed the urban warfare and terrorism training in both Libya and in the Philippines of their recruits to the Abu Sayyaf, including Edwin Angeles, the founding Abu Sayyaf vice commander and intelligence chief. During this time, Khalifa served as an adviser to the Abu Sayyaf, but was primarily a conduit for money. “In the case of Bin Laden and Khalifa, they are not combatants, so they give material support. Money. Lots of money.” The more they engaged in terrorism, the more financial support poured in from Bin Laden and Khalifa.

Khalifa established several other charities and Islamic organizations in the Philippines ostensibly for charity and religious work, which channeled money to extremist groups. Perhaps the most important one was the International Relations and Information Center. Abu Omar, his brother-in-law, started working at the IRIC in 1993, first as a “volunteer,” and becoming its director in 1994. The Chair of the IRIC was Dr. Zubair. The IRIC engaged in numerous activities, for the most part philanthropic: job training, orphanages, Islamic schools and other social work.

According to the Philippine National Security Advisor, Roilo Golez, Khalifa “built up the good will of the community through charity and then turned segments of the population into agents.” He also used the Philippines as a base for Al Qaeda’s other international operations. The South China Morning Post reported that “In 1994 a Jordanian religious teacher, Adballah Hashakie, told Jordanian police. . . . he received U.S. $50,000 from Khalifa to finance bombings and assassinations in Jordan.”

Khalifa began to provide covert assistance to the Muslim rebel group the MILF in two ways: financially and through training. In addition, he provided overt assistance to them by funding development projects in zones under their control or to areas that constituted core constituencies of supporters, such as the dispensary in Campo Muslim. In an 1998 interview, Al Haj Murad, the MILF Vice-Chairman for Military Affairs, admitted that Bin Laden and Khalifa provided “help and assistance” to MILF cadres who volunteered in the 1980s to help the Taliban struggle against the Soviet-backed Afghanistan government. Following Pakistan’s crackdown on foreign jihadi’s, Al Qaeda began to dispatch trainers from the Middle East to MILF and ASG camps.

But the primary Al Qaeda operation in Southeast Asia was OPLAN Bojinka. In 1994, Ramzi Yousef, the terrorist mastermind of the December 1993 attack on the World Trade Center, came to the Philippines. He spent a short period of time in the southern island of Basilan where he trained approximately 20 Abu Sayyaf militants in the art of bomb-making, then moved to Manila in September, to begin planning a second round of attacks on American targets. In December 1994, a very suspicious fire razed a house in Paranaque belonging to Tareq Kaved Rana, a Pakistani, whom the PNP believed to be closely associated with international terrorists. The place was cleaned out, but forensic tests indicated that the fire was caused by combustible chemicals; the chemicals that were the hallmark of Ramzi YousefÂ’s bombs.

In Manila Yousef established a fairly compartmentalized cell of approximately 20 people. Only a few of them had knowledge of the entire operation. Many others in this cell had very specific functions, and in many cases, once that function was completed, they left. In addition to Khalifa and Ramzi Yousef, key cell members included: Wali Khan Amin Shah, Abdul Hakim Ali Hasmid Murad, Khalid Sheik Mohammed, Abu Omar and Munir Ibrahim, Amein Mohammed, Salem Ali and over a dozen of other individuals who played limited support roles- for the most part unwittingly.

On 10 December 1994, a Philippines Airlines 747-200 flight 434, carrying 273 passengers and 20 crew, en route from Cebu to Tokyo was forced to make an emergency landing after a bomb went off in the cabin, killing a Japanese businessman. Later Ramzi Yousef called and claimed responsibility for the bombing in the name of the Abu Sayyaf Group, a dry run for “48 hours of terror.”

Five individuals, including Yousef, Wali Khan Amin Shah, Abdul Hakim Murad and Adel Anon, and Khalid Al-Shaikh (thought to be Ramzi YousefÂ’s uncle) were to all depart different Asian cities, placing a timed bomb on a flight, during its first leg of a trans-pacific flight. They would then transfer to another flight and arming a second bomb. The bombs were to detonate simultaneously over the Pacific. If successful, some 4,000 people would have been killed.

On the evening of 6 January 1995, a fire broke out in Ramzi YousefÂ’s apartment as he and Murad were mixing chemicals to make bombs. As the air filled with poisonous gas they had to flee the apartment. The police were suspicious and surreptitiously entered the apartment. They were aghast at what they found: an apartment filled with highly volatile chemicals, 4 large timing devices, a pipe bomb, books and manuals on the manufacture of bombs. They also found a lap-top computer that had the plans for the terrorist attacks, 12 fake passports and a business card belonging to bin LadenÂ’s brother-in-law, Khalifa. In the aftermath of the fire, Yousef immediately fled the scene. Murad, was arrested and extradited to the US. Under interrogation Murad, who was a trained pilot, admitted to a plan of crashing a hijacked jetliner into CIA headquarters. Wali Khan Amin Shah was later arrested in Malaysia and rendered to the United States. Sheik Mohammed fled and immediately was placed on the FBIÂ’s most wanted terrorist list; he was later named as a top suspect in the September 11 hijackings.

After 9 years in the Philippines, bin Laden’s brother-in-law Khalifa was arrested on 26 December 1994 in California when he was discovered to be on a Jordanian terrorist watch list. He was held without bail and charged with visa fraud and providing false information. But America was never able to convict him on a more serious charge. He was deported to Lebanon where he was already tried, convicted and sentenced to death in absentia “for conspiracy to carryout terrorist acts.” He was retried and acquitted of terrorism charges, and allowed to move to Saudi Arabia. Though Khalifa has denied involvement in Bin Laden’s recent activities, he had admitted “very close ties in the past.” Yet, during a post-11 September crackdown by the Saudi Arabian government on known bin Laden associates, Khalifa was arrested but later released. He is believed to still manage bin Laden’s investments in Southeast Asia. The Philippine government asserts that all of the charities run by Khalifa in the Philippines, that were used to funnel money to the Abu Sayyaf group and the MILF, have been shut down. The linkages between Khalifa and Yousef, and the fact that Wali Khan Amin Shah was supposedly an employee of the IIRO was too much for the Philippine authorities to countenance. Yet, complained one senior intelligence official to me, “we could not touch the IIRO.” It took the Philippine government almost 6 years to shut their office in the Philippines, from 2000 until September 2001, the IIRO still funded projects in the country through its representative offices in Malaysia and Indonesia.

The extent of the Ramzi Yousef cell terrified Philippine security officials who began to understand the degree to which their country was penetrated by terrorist groups. They increased their monitoring and intelligence capabilities, which led to a few results.

Following further investigations into the plot to assassinate the Pope, police broke up another Al Qaeda cell in Caloocon in late-March 1995. Those arrested had served in Afghanistan with the Mujiheddin, and were all thought to be followers of the radical Egyptian cleric the blind Sheik Abdulrahman. Unfortunately, all 14 of the suspects were later released because of a lack of evidence. Some fled the Philippines while others stayed- but all jumped bail. Several of this cell were put under heightened surveillance. In December 1995 police arrested Adel Annon, a member of the Ramzi Yousef cell still at large. During the raid, police discovered grenades, dynamite, rockets, bomb-making components and travel documents in his position.

General Jose Almonte, at the time the National Security Advisor to President Ramos told me that they were in complete and utter shock over the scope of “Oplan Bojinka.” They could not believe it, because it was “too fantastical. So out of you know, so anti-God. You do not think that even a man with a diabolical mind could do that.” If there was one positive outcome, it was a growing consciousness of the fact that the Philippines was thoroughly penetrated by terrorist cells. Increased surveillance of radical groups also led the PNP to breakup a 9-man cell of the LTTE (Tamil Tigers) in May 1995. Yet General Almonte also said that the Philippines raised the alarm to the international community, and in 1996 even hosted a major international conference on counter-terrorism, but was unhappy to find that states were not taking the issue seriously. The US in particular, thought the matter with Youssef and the others’ arrests was resolved. No one, as a senior military intelligence official said to me, thought that Oplan Bojinka was simply part of a greater plot. Almonte believes that the US did not take the international scope of the Al Qaeda network as seriously as it should have.

The Ramzi Yousef Al Qaeda cell was broken up by accident and then by good police work, but not through penetration by an intelligence agency. When it was discovered, it was in the final stages of a number of spectacular attacks: the bombing of eleven commercial jetliners, the assassination of the Pope and the aerial attack on the CIA headquarters. The planning and scope of the Yousef cell was staggering. Bin Laden proved that he could establish an autonomous cell impervious to detection that could plan and execute deadly attacks.

The second point is that despite some links between the Abu Sayyaf Group and Al Qaeda, Yousef really did not trust them or think them capable enough to carry out serious terrorist acts. He used his own men, all flown in from the Middle East. Yousef and Wali Khan were willing to train members of the ASG, but they did not rely on them to the degree that observers have indicated. At most, members of the ASG provided logistical services and assisted Yousef and Wali Khan in ex-filtrating the country.

The breakup of the Ramzi Yousef cell in Manila, had far reaching consequences for the Abu Sayyaf group. Abu Sayyaf members played important supporting roles, if not leadership roles in the cell. Most importantly, the Yousef-bin Laden connection was the major source of their funding. The Abu Sayyaf fell into decline, riddled with factionalism and in recent years it has become more of a criminal nuisance with no apparent linkages to international terrorist organizations.

Philippine police killed Janjalani in a shootout on 18 December 1998. His lieutenant, Edwin Angeles was arrested in January 1999, and became a government informer.

Since then, the Abu Sayyaf has split into two or three factions and their commitment to establishing an Islamic state now seems secondary at best. As one US diplomat said to me, “They’re wannabes.”

Janjalani’s younger brother Khadaffy, who seems more engrossed with kidnapping and hostage taking, heads one faction. He is based on the island of Basilan. Another Janjalani brother, Hector was captured by the Philippine government and arrested for masterminding a string of bombings in Manila in December 2000. He was arraigned on 6 December 2001. Another, but small faction on Jolo island is headed by Galib Andang, known as “Commander Robot,” who broke away from the Moro National Liberation Front. Robot was a former Nur Misuari bodyguard who has been running a kidnapping racket for years. Abu Sabaya, the nom de guerre of Ahmad Salayudi, heads the largest faction that continues to fight the Philippine army with considerable success. He was reportedly killed in June 2002.

One only has to look at a chronology of ASG operations to chart the loss of international funding. From 1996 to 2000, the ASG engaged in some 266 terrorist activities. One Abu Sayyaf defector said that he quit the movement “because the group lost its original reason for being. The activities were not for Islam but for personal gratification. We abducted people not any more for the cause of Islam but for money.” In addition to kidnapping, the ASG engages in extortion, taxes from peasants, fishermen, coconut growers, and businessmen. The ASG also engages in marijuana cultivation, and on 24 July 1999 PNP forces destroyed some 70,000 marijuana plants worth P20 million ($10 million). According to a Basilan politician, “It was easier to deal with them when they had a single leader—and an ideology. Now, these guys are in it for the money, and there’s no stopping them.” The demands for $1 million ransoms per hostage have led many to consider the Abu Sayyaf as nothing more than a criminal menace rather than a secessionist insurgency with legitimate grievances. As the Philippine National Security Advisor Roilo Golez said, “We have no evidence that Abu Sayyaf has gotten financing from bin Laden recently. Otherwise they would not have to resort to kidnapping.” According to the Philippine Presidential spokesman, Rigoberto Tiglao,

Since the death of Janjalani, believed to the [Abu Sayyaf] ideologue, the band has degenerated into a criminal kidnap for ransom group using Islamic militancy as a ruse to gain the support of a few Muslim villages in Basilan island where they take refuge. The Abu Sayyaf Group has split into two groups because of their squabbles over ransom money.

Finally, it seems that at this point, bin Laden had put the Philippines behind him and was determined to take his jihad to the Holy Land, from where he would both drive out the Americans and their secular puppet regimes. Bin LadenÂ’s operation had moved to Khartoum, Sudan, where he became truly intent on creating an international network and a business empire to fund it. It was at this time that hhis attacks of the House of Saud led to his being stripped of his Saudi citizenship. Cells lingered on in the Philippines, which will be discussed below. But for the most part, Al Qaeda no longer saw the Philippines as an important logistical hub or base of operations. By that point they had Sudan and after the Taliban came to power in 1996, Afghanistan.

1. Mohammed Sadiq Odeh lived in Davao City where he participated in terrorist activities. He was a suspect in a 1993 bombing of a cathedral and in 1995 he was arrested for possession of explosive devices. He is one of the people who were captured, tried and convicted in the United States for the 7 August 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Tanzania and Kenya.

Mamdouh Mahmud Salim who was also convicted in the embassy bombings lived in the Philippines between 1996-1998. In addition to the bombing of the cathedral, intelligence officials believe that Odeh was an important financial officer for Al Qaeda.

Philippine military intelligence analysts believe there was one other member of this cell, but they acknowledge having little information about it. It is believed to be no longer in operation as Salim and Odeh were dispatched to East Africa to prepare the attacks on the US embassies.

2. Mohammed Atta and Marwan al-Shehhi two of the leaders of the 11 September hijackings spent a few days north of Manila where they trained at a flying school near the former Clark Airforce Base, run by a former USAF officer. The two were positively identified by local officials. It is not known if Atta and al-Shehhi met with anyone while in the Philippines.

3. Metro Manila Cell
Three individuals, 2 Palestinians and 1 Jordanian were arrested in December 2001 in a suburb of Manila. All three were classmates in Kuwait and all have connections to Mohammed Jamal Khalifa. Mohammed Sabri Selamah, a Palestinian arrived in the Philippines in 1986. He ran a local branch of KhalifaÂ’s IIRO and was thought by Philippine intelligence to be the point man in the Southern Philippines for Al Qaeda.

Hasan Ali, a Jordanian, came to the Philippines in 1985.

Masrie Ahma Abed, a Palestinian, lived with Ramzi Yousef when he first came to the Philippines in 1990.

4. Hadi Yousef Alghoul
On 27 December 2001, a Jordanian man was arrested in his home west of Manila. Police seized 281 sticks of dynamite, 3 cell phones (thought to be detonators for the explosives), dry cell batteries and wires, and Islamic poems in Arabic, as well as anti-American documents. Hadi Yousef Alghoul, who is in his 50s, was arrested by PNP in March 1995 for his links to other Al Qaeda operatives arrested in the Bojinka plot, during the break up of the Caloocan cell. Alghoul was later released for lack of evidence. A PNP colonel informed me that he has been under surveillance since his release. Alghoul has lived in the Philippines for almost two decades, though he has no documentation, married a Filipina, and established a small women‘s clothing stall. He has “suspected links with Middle Eastern terrorists.” His arrest came one year after the ASG staged a string of bombings in Manila. According to a senior police officer, “Alghoul is a member of one of the terrorist cells in the Philippines assigned to carry out next week a string of bombings in Metro Manila.” He was under intense intelligence scrutiny for links with Muslim terrorists, as every Thursday, Alghoul “withdrew a huge amount of money from a local bank.” Police investigations however did not reveal the source of the funding.

Alghoul was released from prison after posting bail on 12 January 2002, but within hours he was taken into custody by immigration agents. He claims that he was framed by the police.

Investigators believe that there was a link between Al Ghoul and Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi, the former being a pay master for the Jemaah Islamiya network (discussed below).

5. Rahah Saliaman Movement
This small cell of Muslim radicals, includes no more than 25 individuals, but attracted police attention beginning in November 2001 for two reasons. First, the organization has links to some of the institutions established by Mohammed Jamal Khalifa in support of Rami Yousef, the ASG and the MILF. Funding and support for this organization came from an NGO, the Islamic Studies Call and Guidance (ISCAG) led by Humoud Mohammad Abdulaziz Al-Lahem, a 67-year old Saudi National, is thought to be a key conduit of money to terrorist and separatist groups in the Philippines. Beneath the ISCAG are three smaller NGOs, the Darul Hijrah Foundation (DHF), Islamic Information Center and the Islamic Wisdom Worldwide Mission. The DHF was founded by several MILF members including Abdul Nasser Nooh (the MILF liaison officer in Manila) and MILF Finance Committee Chairman Yusop Alongan. The Islamic Wisdom Worldwide Mission (IWWM), run by Mohammad Amin Soloman Al Ghafari. This organization took over Mohammed Jamal KhalifaÂ’s IRIC in 1995, when the Philippine government shut it down. IRIC staff were hired by the IWWM and much of its philanthropic network was taken over by Al Gahafari.

The second cause for alarm was the organizationÂ’s direct links to both the MILF and the ASG. One of the RSM central committee members, Sheikh Omar Lavilla, was a classmate of ASG leader Khadaffy Janjalani at Mindanao State University. In November 2001, Lavilla traveled to the Mindanao region where he received P10 million in support from Janjalani. Several of the RSM leaders traveled to MILF camps where they received training, between August 1999 to December 2001. Philippine intelligence sources believe that the RSM, which was based not in Mindanao but in Luzon, was supported by the MILF and ASG to open up a second front on the government


The loss of Khalifa was a blow to the Al Qaeda network in the region. He had spent years here establishing a network. And in the mid-1990s there seemed to be a lull in Al Qaeda operations in the region. But in the mid to late-1990s, Al Qaeda appointed Ahmad Fauzi, aka Abdul al Hakim, to coordinate Al Qaeda operations in Southeast Asia. Fauzi based his operations in Malaysia. In a familiar pattern, Fauzi set about establishing independent Al Qaeda cells, while at the same time grafting onto existing radical movements and fringe groups. Malaysia became a key center for Al Qaeda front companies, and between 1993-1996 one a year was established, that we know about. To this day he lives openly in Malaysia. Malaysia has become an important center for bin Laden investments and the establishment of front companies for Al Qaeda, in addition to Konsojaya. It has also been one of the banking centers utilized by the network. Operationally and logistically, Malaysia is very important to Al Qaeda.

Interestingly in 1998-1999, top aides to two of the most senior Algerian terrorists, Antar Zouabri, a GIA leader and Hassan Hattab, both moved to Malaysia. By this point, most intelligence analysts believe that Al Qaeda had already co-opted the GIA network in Europe and Hattab was a known associate of bin Laden.

The KMM and Terrorist Linkages

The Kampulan Mujiheddin was founded on 12 October 1995 by Zainon Ismail. Since 1999, this group is allegedly led by Nik Adli Nik Aziz, the son of PASÂ’ spiritual leader Nik Aziz Nik Mat, but that might be simply the governmentÂ’s spin to discredit Nik Aziz and the main opposition party PAS. This militant cell [sometimes called the Malaysian Mujiheddin Group], has clear links to Afghanistan and the Al Qaeda network. 45 of the estimated 68 members were trained in camps in Afghanistan. Nik Adli spent time in Afghanistan between 1990-1996 fighting with the Mujiheddin as did the KMMÂ’s founder Zainon Ismail.

Nik Adli Nik Aziz, clearly understood the ramifications of cooperation and trans-national linkages. In 1999 he reportedly purchased a large cache of weapons in Thailand, including 24 pounds of explosives. That same year he studied bomb-making with the MILF in the southern Philippines. He began to link up with exiled Indonesian radials, such as Abu Bakar BaÂ’asyir, Abdullah Sungkar, Riduan Isamuddin and Abu Jibril Abdurrahman (who will be discussed in detail below).

PAS suffered a serious blow to its reputation when Nik Adli and 9 other members of the Kampulan Mujiheddin (7 of whom were also PAS members) were detained on 4 August 2001 for attempting to violently overthrow the Malaysian government and establish an Islamic state. Most of the members arrested spent time in Pakistan. The police reported finding stockpiled assault rifles and grenades, and linked the Kampulan Mujiheddin to several recent crimes including a botched bank robbery of the Southern Bank, the assassination of a state assemblyman, the killing of a Christian state assemblyman Joe Fernandez, and several bombings of Christian churches and Hindu temples.

By the end of 2001, there were 23 KMM members being detained under the ISA. Several are also senior party functionaries or provincial religious leaders within PAS. Hazmi Ishak, for example is a member of PAS, a former student in Pakistan between 1990-1995 who underwent military training with the Mujiheddin. He is said to be a close aid of Nik Adli Abdul Aziz. Other KMM members detained under the ISA included two PAS youth chiefs. In early 2002, two additional KMM members were detained, bringing the total to 25. Malaysian police are searching for some 200 other members.

One thing that is of particular interest is that the KMMÂ’s goals were not limited to just turning Malaysia into an Islamic state. The KMM had a pan-Islamic agenda for Southeast Asia and it talks about reviving the notion of a single Islamic state comprising Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, the southern Philippines and Southern Thailand. And though the likelihood of this ever happening is low, it is alarming for two inter-connected reasons. First, this has resonance with other Islamicists in the region who share this goal and they may begin to link up, coordinate their activities, in pursuit of this goal. Second, it gave the KMM the justification it needed to operate outside of Malaysia, such as in Ambon or Poso. In these places, away from the reach of the Malaysian government, they were far fewer constraints on their activities.

Jemaah Islamiya Network

There were very close relations between the KMM and another radical group, the Jemaah Islamiya, which had cells in Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and the Philippines. Indeed Malaysian authorities believed the JIN network was really a second cell of the KMM. Even today there is some confusion owing to the fact that both organizations share several leaders. The Jemaah Islamiya network is a perfect example of how Al Qaeda has penetrate the region, and why any one country cannot deal with terrorism alone.

Jemaah Islamiya

The origins of the Jemaah Islamiya network are found in Indonesia, dating back to the 1960s. In the 1960s, a radical cleric Abu Bakar BaÂ’asyir (Bashir) established a pirate radio station that advocated the imposition of sharia, which got him into trouble with the Soeharto regime. In 1972, he and Abdullah Sungkar, a fellow cleric, established an Islamic boarding school in Solo, Al Mukmin. The school which opened with 30 students grew rapidly and in 1976 they moved to a 4 hectare compound outside of the city; it now has 1,900 students. The school continued to attract more pupils, one of whom was Fathur Rohman al Ghozi, who like many other graduates, went on to study in EgyptÂ’s Al Azhar University or Pakistani or Saudi Arabian madrassas. The school taught a hardline and littoral interpretation of Islam based on Wahabism and the philosophies of the 19th century Islamic cleric Mohammed Abdu Rahid Rida. In 1978, BaÂ’asyir and Sungkar were arrested and sentenced them to nine years for violating a 1963 subversion law. A second court upheld the conviction but lessened the sentence to 4 years, and they were released in 1982. In 1985, the Supreme Court overturned the appeals courtÂ’s conviction and re-imposed the original 9 year sentence; both immediately fled to Malaysia. Their pesentren remained open.

The two, Abu Bakar BaÂ’asyir and Sungkar, found a safe haven Malaysia where they lived and preached openly for several decades and built up a large following of radical Indonesians who had fled the Soeharto regime and of radical Malays. They lived in a small town on the Malacca Straight, that had ferry service to Indonesia and heavy flows of traffic between the two states. The two served as a way station for Indonesians and Malaysians who were on their way to Afghanistan and Pakistan to study and fight the soviets or train in one of the 40 Al Qaeda camps that were established in the late 1990s. They were revered figures with large and devoted followers. Their speeches attacking the New Order regime and demanding the implementation of sharia won them a hardcore following.

One of their disciples was Riduan Isamuddin, aka Hambali, a young Indonesian from central Java who fought the Russians in Afghanistan in the mid-1980s and was unable to return to Indonesia. Hambali- as the reader will recall- was an associate of Wali Khan Amin Shah, and a board member of Konsojaya.

They also linked up with a radical Indonesian cleric, Mohammad Iqbal Rahman- aka Abu Jibril-, also trained in Afghanistan, was imprisoned in Indonesia in the early 1980s and went into self-exile in Malaysia upon his release. He became a spiritual leader to the KMM and a key recruiter for Malaysians to fight in Ambon. Jibril, was a trainer in Afghan camps, and many see him as “head of training” for Al Qaeda in all of Southeast Asia. Jibril was detained by Malaysian authorities under the ISA for militant activities in the summer of 2001.

All four of the individuals were itinerant preachers, unaffiliated with any Mosque, whose Imams are employees and regulated by the Malaysian government. Instead, they preached jihad in private settings before groups of hard core followers whom they slowly cultivates across Malaysia and in Singapore. They were paid MR200-300 for a 2 hour sermon. They began to espouse the doctrine of Nusantara Raya, the establishment of a pan-Islamic republic incorporating Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand, and the southern Philippines.

Sungkar and BaÂ’asyir returned to their pesentren in Solo Indonesia in 1999 once the Soeharto regime collapsed and democracy was restored, though Sungkar died shortly thereafter.

In mid-2000, BaÂ’asyir established the Majelis Mujiheddin of Indonesia (MMI) based in Yogyakarta. The group ostensibly is civil society organization that tries to implement sharia peacefully and through the democratic process. Yet the MMI is thought to be a front for Abu Bakar BaÂ’asyirÂ’s more militant activities, and BaÂ’asyir recruited hundreds of followers to fight the Americans in Afghanistan in the fall of 2001 (they were unable to leave Pakistan). The MMI was clearly part of a regional network and one of the MMIÂ’s board members is Mohammad Iqbal Rahman. The name of the group is an interesting one. Jemaah Islamiya was a concept of pan-Islamicism in southeast Asia that was first espoused by the Darul Islam - literally the house of Islam - movement in Indonesia in the 1940s to early-1960s.

The Network

BaÂ’asyir and Sungkar charged their deputies Hambali and Abu Jibril with establishing a network of militant cells throughout the region beginning in 1993.

Hambali has long been an Al Qaeda operative in the region and he was a close associate of Ramzi Yousef and Wali Khan Amin Shah. On 2 June 1994, he and Wali Khan established Konsojaya SDN BHD, a front company that provided logistical services - especially the procurement of bomb-making materials - for Ramzi Yousef. Hambali was one of 8 directors of the firm, along with Wali Khan. Hambali married a Malaysian-Chinese convert to Islam, Noral Wizah Lee, who was also on the Konsojaya board of directors.

It is unclear at what point he was formally recruited into Al Qaeda. One of the most troubling aspects in this to me is trying to understand how individuals went from being parochial jihadis to internationalists. What explains the transformation? What was the actual process? At any rate, Hambali became a key Al Qaeda operative in the region, and was according to one regional intelligence official, “operationally more important than Abu Bakar Ba’asyir.”

Hambali launched an active recruiting campaign. In Malaysia, recruitment focused on two key groups: Indonesian migrants and exiles, and University of Technology of Malaysia students. UTM, located across from Singapore in Johor, has traditionally been a hotbed of Islamic radicalism. In Singapore, recruitment focused on older, more established middle class individuals, which is what has been so hard for Singapore authorities to grapple with: these were well educated individuals with good jobs, products of state schools, not stereotypical Islamic radicals.

Yet membership into Jemaah Islamiya is highly selective and comprised three phases over many years. “We are not a mass organization,” said one senior Jemaah Islamiya official. “We want people who will be loyal to the aims of the group.” The first phase included screening individuals, including their family background and knowledge of Islam. Once selected, Hambali enrolled the students at pesentrens and madrassas to study Islam. Many young radicals were sent to Pakistan and Afghanistan. The third phase of the training/recruitment regimen was physical and military training. Abu Jibril was probably in charge of training for the JIN. Some 50 individuals (19 of the 23 arrested in Malaysia, and at least 8 Singaporeans) were sent to Al Qaeda camps in Afghanistan. More (at least 5 Singaporeans) were sent to MILF camps in the southern Philippines.

There they learned bomb-making, weapons training, surveillance, sabotage, communication and cell formation. Several of these individuals claim to have been met by Mohammed Attef. Other Jemaah Islamiya recruits, were trained in two MILF camps in Mindanao, Camp Abu Bakar and Camp Obaida. Others were trained at a Jemah Islamiya camp in southern Malaysia.

Unlike the KMM which recruited anyone, the Jemaah Islamiya network tended to recruit more middle class individuals, and even the poorer members were not desperately dispossessed. Mohammed Sobri, for example, was a private in the Malaysian army who began attending sermons by Sungkar, Ba’asyir, Iqbal and Hambali, recruiting more members. “We stopped believing in the democratic process,” Sobri said. “So we felt that jihad was the only way to change the government.”

Hambali returned to Indonesia in October 2000 and began to recruit people to conduct a wave of bombings across Indonesia (20 bombs in 9 cities) in Christmas 2000. He then returned to Malaysia, now wanted by Indonesian authorities. Abu Jibril returned to Indonesia in January 2000 and traveled to the sectarian strife-torn Malukus to organize Muslim militias. According to Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, Abu Jibril “could really motivate people to jihad.” Ba’asyir noted that Jibril was primarily involved in fundraising for the jihad in the Malukus, though he sometimes went there himself. “He gave them spirit to fight for there right to defend themselves.” In the Malukus, Jibril “introduced a centralized command structure” and led attacks on Christian communities, by high-speed boats. In one massacre, 250 Christians in the town of Galela, on 19 July 2000, were killed. He returned to Malaysia in late 2000, and resumed his support of the KMM. He was arrested by Malaysian authorities in the June 2001.

Organizational Structure

The Jemaah Islamiya network (JIN) as formally established sometime in 1994-1995. Hambali became the chairman of the 5-member “Regional Advisory Council” [See table 3]. Other members include Mohammed Iqbal Rahman (Abu Jibril), Abu Hanifah and Faiz bin Abu Bakar Bafana. Bafana, a Malaysian businessman and former Singaporean, was a key aid to Hambali. He ran a large construction firm in Malaysia, Marebina, and was an important financial backer of the JIN. In addition to the 5-member Regional Advisory Council, was the JI Secretary, Fikri Sugondo, the elementary school master at Ba’asyir’s Al Mukmin pesentren, and a close personal aid of Abu Bakar Ba’asyir.

Beneath the Regional Advisory Council (syurah), Hambali appointed several lieutenants to establish cells in their respective countries. Fathur Rohman al Ghozi established a cell in the Philippines; Ibrahim bin Maidin setup the Singapore cell; Abdussalam bin Abu Thalib ran the Malaysian cell; and Irfan Suryahadi Anwwas, the younger brother of Abu Jibril, organized the Indonesian cell. Each cell, in turn had several sub-cells, or fiah.

The JIN cell in each of the four states, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and the Philippines, were fairly independent from each other and clearly had very specific functions. Each took advantage of a certain aspect of their host state.

According to Malaysian and Singapore intelligence reports, the JIN received some RP1.35 billion from Al Qaeda since 1996. That year, JIN received RP250 million, RP400 million in 1997 and RP700 million in 2000.

Malaysian Cell

With an estimated 200 members, the Malaysian cell is the largest cell in the JIN. At least 13 members were trained in Afghanistan, others were trained at an MILF camp in Mindanao. The Malaysian cell had three discernable functions. First, liaison with the KMM in Malaysia, but it also served as a major conduit between the JIN and Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. In addition, it was thought to be responsible for establishing a cell in Australia.

Second, the Malaysian cell was responsible for procuring large quantities of ammonium nitrate, a chemical fertilizer that is used in bombs. The cell had already procured in October 2000 and transferred 4 tons of this substance to the cell in Singapore where it planned to target US interests; 17 more tons were to be delivered. To date the 4 tons of ammonium nitrate has not been recovered. The Malaysian cell procured the ammonium nitrate through the establishment of front companies, one of which, Green Laboratory Medicine, a medical testing facility, was incorporated by Yazid Sufaat, the individual who had previously established Infocus Technology. Sufaat was a retired captain in the Malaysian army. It was at Yazid SufaatÂ’s apartment that the key meeting between the 5 bin Laden lieutenants met in January 2001. Sufaat was detained by Malaysian authorities in November 2001upon his return from Afghanistan. It was in his name, as managing director of Green Laboratories Medicine, that the ammonium nitrate was purchased.

The third function of the Malaysian cell was to run a camp in Negri Sembilan, in southern Malaysia, that was used by both the Malaysian cell and the Singapore cell for training new recruits. No targeting/militant activities appear to have been planned by this cell.

The 22 suspects who have been arrested are well educated; 12 have university degrees- five from institutions in the United States, Great Britain and Indonesia, the remainder from Malaysian universities.

Philippines Cell

The Philippine cell was a major logistics cell for the network responsible for acquiring explosives, guns and other equipment. Its leader was an Indonesian, Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi, aka Mike, who as a child had studied at Abu Bakar Ba’asyir’s pesentren, Al Mukmin, before going on to study in a Pakistani madrasah for 6 years, when he was recruited into Al Qaeda by a Malaysian businessman, and a member of the JIN Regional Advisory Council Faiz bin Abu Bakar Bafana. He trained in Afghanistan in 1993-94 and was dispatched to the Philippines in late-1995 to early-1996. Al Ghozi carefully established the cell, opening bank accounts, networking and recruiting. He also learnt the local language well enough that a Philippine police official said “he could pass himself off completely as a Filipino.”

Al Ghozi was also responsible for liaising with the MILF who trained Malaysia and Singaporean members in bomb-making. Al Ghozi was in contact with Muklis Yunos, an MILF urban warfare operative and the head of the MILFÂ’s Special Operations Group, who trained with Al Ghozi in Afghanistan. Al Ghozi spent one month in the MILF headquarters, Camp Abu Bakar in 1996.

Over the next three years, Al Ghozi was in and out of the Philippines. He was sent back to the Philippines in March 1998 for three months before returning to Indonesia, though he applied for a Philippine Passport in the name of Randy Andam Alib. He returned again in March 1999. In one meeting in Kuta Kinbalo, Bafana ordered him to purchase 5-7 tons of explosives, and wired him $18,000 for a down payment from a Singapore bank. The contact for the explosives came through Muklis Yunos, and in exchange for the contact, Al Ghozi was recruited to assist and finance Muklis in a series of bombings in metro Manila on 30 December 2000 that killed 22 people. Al Ghozi withdrew 250,000 pesos ($4850) from a bank in November 2000 and transferred it to the MILF to purchase 70 kilos of explosives. The attack was “in retaliation: for the “all-out war” launched by the Estrada administration against the MILF in 2000.

The explosives were to be transferred to Bintam Indonesia, an island off Singapore, via Poso, the port city where the Al Qaeda training camp was located. Al Ghozi was also responsible for procuring firearms that were either destined for the Poso training camp or possibly the Laskar Jihad. The Philippine cell may also have been a conduit for financial transfers to the JIN. The Philippine cell was also instrumental in arranging the training of JIN/KMM members in MILF camps.

In addition to explosives, Al Ghozi was responsible for the purchase of light arms and assault rifles. These were shipped to Poso, for Agus DwikarnaÂ’s Laskar Jundullah and for Abu JibrilÂ’s jihad in Ambon. The Malaysian coast Guard, in mid-2001, intercepted a huge cache of mainly M-16s en route from Zamboanga to Ambon.

Indonesian Cell

The least is known about this cell, which is connected to BaÂ’asyirÂ’s overt organization, the MMI, which is a large umbrella organization for small radical and militant groups from across the archipelago. The MMI is the key liaison between BaÂ’asyir and the network. BaÂ’asyir is the Amir, the spiritual leader. In addition to its spiritual and leadership role, it has other functions: First, senior Al Qaeda leaders have traveled to Indonesia, and have likely liaised with BaÂ’asyirÂ’s men. The MMI also serves as a financial conduit. Finally, the MMI is an important recruitment channel for the JIN: Al Ghozi and three of those arrested in Malaysia were Indonesian members of the MMI.

In October 2001, Indonesian intelligence officials discovered a document in Solo entitles “Operation Jibril.” The 15-page document was signed by JIN chairman Abu Hanafiah and JIN secretary Fikri Sugundo, and called for the simultaneous bombings of the US embassies in Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia. Indonesian intelligence officials later decided that the document was probably a fabrication.

Singapore Cell

The Singapore cell was the major operational unit of the network, which was planning and coordinating the attacks. The Singapore cell was first headed by Ibrahim bin Maidin, a 51-year old superintendent of an apartment building, known as Qoaid Wakalah. He had no formal religious training but was trained by BaÂ’asyir, Hambali, Sungkar and Iqbal, who frequently visited Singapore to preach in private sessions. He had trained in Afghanistan in 1993. Maidin recruited members through a religious class that he taught. He was the only member of the cell to wear a beard or Islamic gowns and skullcap.

The cell had an estimated 60-80 members, though no more than 25 operatives. 13 operatives were arrested. MaidinÂ’s successor, Mas Salamat Kastari, and four others fled to Indonesia. In addition to these 5, Singapore intelligence officials believe 7-8 others escaped; roughly half the cell was broken up.

There are a few important characteristics of the members: most were well educated, middle-class men, with no apparent leanings to radical Islam. They were not seen in the local mosques, instead preferring to congregate together- as the local mosques did not espouse Wahibism. The network was extremely secretive and was not discovered until late 2001. Members were seemingly average citizens, a chauffer, electrician, contractor, engineer, and printer. One, Riduan bin Abdullah, was a Roman Catholic convert to Islam and an aerospace technician. Six of them had completed their military service in Singapore. According to the Singapore Ministry of Home Affairs, “Several of those arrested had been to Afghanistan where they received short periods of training in Al Qaeda terrorist camps.” At least 5 were trained in MILF camps. Most took time off from their jobs in Singapore stating that they were going to Mecca on haj.

The cell had five functional units: operations, security, missionary work, fundraising, and communications

Beneath the operations unit, there were three sub-cells- fiah - each tasked with surveilling different targets: Fiah Ayub, Fiah Musa, and Fiah Ismail.

Fiah Ayub was led by Mohammed Khalim Jaffar, a 39 year-old printer. It was developing two seperate attacks: a bombing of the Yishun MRT station where a shuttle bus picked up US naval personnel and brought them to the Sembawang wharf. The second plan, was a USS-Cole-styled suicide attack of a US naval vessel in the northeastern waters between Changi and Pulau Tekong. Jaffar also had a listing of over 200 US firms operating in Singapore, and had marked 3 as potential targets. A video-tape narrated by one cell member Hashim bin Abas of the Yishun surveillance was found in the rubble of Mohammed AttefÂ’s house in Kabul.

Fiah Musa was led by Mohammed Ellias, a 29 year-old manager, and Mohammed Nazir Mohammed, a 27 year-old ship traffic assistant. This Fiah was responsible for the bombing of the US Embassy. This Fiah had also instructed member, Andrew Gerard, a 34-year old aerospace technician at Singapore Technologies, to photograph and find suitable targets at Paya Lebar airbase, which is used by the US Airforce. This Fiah was also assisted by Fathur Rohman al Ghozi, and a Canadian Arab (we do not know his identity)Â….

EC: Mohamed Mansour Jabarah aka Sammy

Â….to surveil different targets in Singapore in October. They were instructed to procure 21 tons of ammonium nitrate and secure warehouse space that could be used to make truck bombs.

Fiah Ismail was the smallest and newest cell, formed after 11 September. It was led by Galim Hussain, a 41 year-old supervisor, and was told to identify suitable US commercial targets.

Other intelligence: What is alarming is that the attacks were almost in the operational stage. A report in Jane’s Intelligence Review stated that Osama bin Laden had personally called off the attacks. According to the MHA-ISD, each of the fiah “see their role as mainly providing logistical and other support to foreign terrorist elements who would determine when and what to attack.”

There was some contact with the JIN cells in other countries, though one member of the Singapore cell was the brother of a cell member in Malaysia. Clearly, the Malaysian cell was responsible for procuring the ammonium nitrate, while Philippine cell leader, al Ghozi not only procured explosives, but also came to Singapore to assist in surveillance and target selection.

Breaking Up the Cell

Between 9 December 2001 to the beginning of July 2002, some 23 people in Malaysia, 13 people in Singapore and 9 people in the Philippines were arrested. The cell, founded in 1994, went un-noticed until after the 11 September attacks. Starting in April 2001, they increased their surveillance of American targets. Malaysian and Singaporean officials, who were on heightened alert after 11 September, had a few breaks.

First, Singaporean officials received word from the Northern Alliance, that they had captured a Singaporean, Muhammad Aslam Yar Ali Khan, a Singaporean from Pakistan, who had fought the Soviets in Afghanistan and come to know Osama bin Laden. In October 2001, a member of the Singapore Cell, Mohammed Aslam bin Yar Ali Khan, told an acquaintance that he was going to Afghanistan; this individual tipped off the police who began to monitor Khan and his acquaintances. Ali Khan suddenly left Singapore on 4 October for Pakistan. The interrogation of Ali Khan confirmed the existence of the JIN. On 3 December, the media announced Ali KhanÂ’s arrest by the Northern Alliance.

But in the course of the surveillance, Singaporean authorities were aghast to discover what an extensive bombing campaign was being planned against US commercial, military and diplomatic assets, as well as the British High Commission, the Sustralian High Commission and the Israeli Embassy. They were aghast to discover that their plot to build truck bombs was nearing completion.

Singaporean officials received a report from Indonesian officials of a 28 September meeting of JIN leaders who were planning a synchronized attack on US Embassies in the region.

The Malaysian government arrested Yazid Sufaat as he returned from Afghanistan in October 2001. He had left Malaysia to “study theology” in June 2001. He was already under police surveillance, having come to their attention at the January 2001 lieutenants meeting with Hambali and other Al Qaeda operatives held in his apartment. Already the Malaysians were on heightened alert following the 18 May 2001 botched robbery of Southern Bank in Petaling Jaya. Although two KMM members were killed, one survived and his interrogation led to the arrest of 9 others. Hambali, went on the run after 18 May 2001.

That month, two foreigners a Canadian Arab (“Sammy”) and Fathur Rohman al Ghozi, (“Mike” who was traveling with a fake Canadian passport), arrived in Singapore to help in the finally planning of a series of attacks on US, British, Australian and Israeli diplomatic, military and commercial interests. They left Singapore before they could be arrested.

After the 1 August bombing of a Jakarta mall by a Malaysian, Taufik Abdul Halim “Dany”(who happens to be the brother in law of Zulkifli Hir, one of the KMM members who fled after the Southern Bank robbery), the Malaysian government came to the conclusion that there was a second KMM cell that they had not known about and began to increase surveillance of suspected members. The interrogation of Yazid Sufaat, seemed to confirm the presence of a second cell. (It was not until January 2002, that the Malaysian authorities finally concluded that it was not the KMM but the Jemaah Islamiya).

Fearful that the news that Aslam bin Yar Ali Khan was arrested by the Northern Alliance would send his cell members into hiding, the MHA-ISD decided to arrest cell members on 8 December. On 9 December, the first six people were detained in Singapore and 15 were detained in Malaysia. By the end of the month 15 were detained, though 2 were later released. On 14 December, Singapore intelligence officials learned of the surveillance video-tape taken by a JIN member of potential US military, commercial and diplomatic targets in Singapore, which was found in the rubble of Mohammed Attef’s house in Kabul Afghanistan by US intelligence agents. They did not receive a copy of the video from the US until 28 December. “The tapes offered useful corroboration” said a Minister of Home Affairs spokesman. “But by then we had wrapped it up.” Indeed, the individual who took and narrated the video, Hashim Abas admitted his role to the Internal Security Department (ISD) on 26 December. Also turned over by the US were digital photographs and maps of the naval facility that is frequently used by US naval warships.

On 19 January 2002, an additional 7 Malaysians were arrested and 9 more members of the Jemaah Islamiya cell were arrested in Singapore, though two were later released. The Singapore cell attempted to procure 17 more tons of ammonium nitrate to produce truck bombs. It had already purchased 4 tons- which has never been recovered. Ammonium nitrate, which is a common ingredient in chemical fertilizers, and is thus not commonly found in Singapore, though it is readily available in Malaysia. There, 1 ton costs approximately S$400-500. They were also found with 2 tampered Singaporean passports and 15 forged Philippine and Malaysian immigration stamps. Also found were night vision goggles, literature on bomb-making, maps and photos of the Paya Lebar airbase used by US forces. An additional surveillance videotape was found in the office of Faiz bin Abu Bakar Bafana. One of the ringleaders was found with a Canadian passport in the name of Jabarah Mohamed Mansur. The were also engaged in fundraising for other radical Islamic groups.

From Malaysia and Singapore, the investigation turned to the other states in the region. Acting on a tip from Singapore intelligence (and in conjunction with three of their officers), Philippine National Police agents arrested the Indonesian national who had been in Singapore in October, on 15 January 2002 as he was about to leave for Bangkok. Police believed that Fathur Rohman al Ghozi was storing the weapons for the Jemaah Islamiya and was a logistics officer for the cell.

After several days of interrogation, Fathur Rohman al Ghozi tipped-off police to a cache of weapons, and the PNP raided a house in General Santos City, on 18 January 2002. The police recovered 50 boxes, or 1 ton of TNT, manufactured in Cebu, Philippines which was to be shipped to Singapore. In addition they recovered 17 M-16 rifles, 300 detonators, 6 roles of detonating cords and other bomb-making materials. The light weapons were destined to JIN forces who were fighting in the Malukus and Poso. Police arrested three Filipinos, two brothers, Almuctar Malagat and Mualidin Malagat and Mohammad Malagad in raids on two other houses in General Santos City. PNP investigators are now trying to track down Mukhlis Yunus - whom al Ghozi named as the financier for the cell. Yunus was head of the MILFÂ’s special operations group, and, along with Al Ghozi, was said to be responsible for the December 2000 bombings in metro Manila. Al Ghozi also named an assistant Mohammed Kiram, 31, who was arrested on 21 January in Marawi.

On 15 March 2002, three more Indonesian nationals, believed to be affiliated with al Ghozi, were arrested in Manila as they attempted to leave the country, based on intelligence from Singapore and Malaysia. Though they were found with C4 explosives and a role of detonating cable, all three denied any connection to Al Ghozi. Two of the suspects, Abdulla Jamal Belfas and Tamsil Linrung were released by orders from President Arroyo who was under intense diplomatic pressure from Indonesian president Megawati. Megawati reacted forceful for domestic political reasons. Tamsil Linrung was the treasurer of the National Mandate Party (PAN), the second largest Muslim political party whom Megawati needs the support of in the 2004 election. PAN officials, for their part, believe that the Indonesian intelligence service (BIN) set up Linrung for political purposes. They were not alone in looking for conspiracy theories. Agus Dwikarna stated “We strongly assume the existence of direct intelligence involvement. . . In this case BIN was involved in our arrest.” Even the respected news weekly Tempo asserted that the three were set up simply because they were all members of Islamic groups and that Indonesian and Philippine intelligence services were simply trying to pressure Indonesian political leaders to get serious about terrorism.

Agus Dwikarna was more troubling because he tied together many loose ends. Dwikarna was already on BIN’s terrorist watch list and had already been under surveillance. He was a member of three different militant groups: he was a member of the MMI’s Organizing Committee; the leader of the Laskar Jundullah which conducted “sweeps” in Solo and militant anti-Christian activities in Sulawesi; and the vice-chairman on the Preparation Committee for the Application of Islamic Law in South Sulawesi (KPPSI). Though Dwikarna acknowledged that he aided groups in the Malukus and Poso Sulawesi, he claims he simply provided relief assistance through his charity, the Committee to Overcome Crisis. He was active in Poso, the heart of the sectarian strife, where the militant Laskar Jihad was also active. He is also thought to have assisted Parlindingan Siregar establish a camp for militants in Poso.

On 18 April 2002, Malaysian authorities conducted another sweep of suspected militants, detaining 14 JIN/KMM suspects, including Yazid SufaatÂ’s wife, Sejahratul Dursina. In their possession was a map of Port Klang, the Malaysian naval facility where US warships make frequent port calls.

On 9 July 2002, Philippine authorities arrested Hussain Ramos (aka Ali Ramos and Abu Ali), a 35 year old native of Marawi, who had procured over one ton of explosives for Al Ghozi, and was also affiliated with the MILF.


There were several successes: First and foremost, this cell was broken up and the terrorist acts that were nearly at operational status were thwarted before any more violent acts could have be perpetrated. Major JIN figures such as Abu Jibril, Faiz Abu Bakar Bafana, and Agus Dwikarna were all arrested.

Second, Fathur Rohman al GhoziÂ’s admission that he participated in the 30 December 2000 bombings in Manila that killed 22 people, gives the Philippine authorities the smoking gun they needed to link the MILF to Al Qaeda, which puts them in a stronger position when it comes to peace talks. Authorities were also able to conclude that al Ghozi was responsible for the August 2000 bombing of the Philippine ambassador to Indonesia; again tying in the MILF.

Third, officials in Singapore and Malaysia seem very confident that they have eradicated much of the Jemaah Islamiya network in their own countries. And the Philippines has made steady progress. Indeed much of the senior leadership of the JIN has been arrested in Singapore, Malaysia and the Philippines. But Singapore and Malaysia have both expressed tremendous frustration about the lack of cooperation that they have received from Indonesian authorities. And both states acknowledged that they only arrested half of the known JIN leaders in their borders.

Although Abu Bakar Ba’asyir has been named by both Malaysia and Singapore as a prime suspect and a leader of the Jemaah Islamiya network, he continues to live and preach openly. Although Ba’asyir was brought in for questioning, on 24 January, he was released. A high-level Indonesian police delegation to Singapore and Malaysia was likewise not convinced of the evidence against Ba’asyir and refused to arrest him. He has acknowledged teaching 13 of those detained in Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. Ba’asyir denied being a member of Al Qaeda: “I am not a member of Al Qaeda, but I really respect the struggle of Osama bin Laden, who has bravely represented the world’s Muslims in their fight against the arrogant United States of America and their allies.” Ba’asyir launched a multi-million dollar libel suit against the Singapore government, though the courts rejected the suit. In April 2002, the Indonesian Supreme Court announced that it may arrest Ba’asyir on the grounds that he never finished serving the second half of his 9 year sentence, though they later through the case out.

In addition to Ba’asyir, there are several other JIN leaders who remain at large: namely, (“Sammy”),

(Philippines authorities were continuing to search for two Indonesian-born accomplices of al Ghozi - including a Canadian codenamed "Sammy" - both of whom were still believed to be hiding in the country.)

Â…Hambali, Mas Salamat Kestari and at least 10 others from Singapore. Both are thought to be in Pakistan, though there are also reports that Hambali is in Indonesia. Philippine authorities believe that one other Indonesian cell member in the country escaped.

The four tons of ammonium nitrate purchased by Yazid Sufaat was never found. Likewise, the explosives that Al Ghozi shipped to Singapore were never recovered. Upon further investigation of the firm that sold explosives to Muklis and Al Ghozi, an inventory audit revealed that some, 4 tons, of explosives are missing. It is unclear if Al Ghozi had previously shipped the explosives- and simply has not revealed that to the police. As one investigator complained:

ItÂ’s clear that al GhoziÂ’s role in the Philippines was the large scale export, transportation and delivery of explosives to end users. In this case it was Singapore, and the plans were already hatched to bomb US embassies there. But we donÂ’t know who all the end users are.

128 posted on 04/04/2006 8:33:32 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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>>>> EC: Mohamed Mansour Jabarah aka Sammy<<<


>>>That month, two foreigners a Canadian Arab (“Sammy”) and Fathur Rohman al Ghozi, (“Mike” who was traveling with a fake Canadian passport), arrived in Singapore to help in the finally planning of a series of attacks on US, British, Australian and Israeli diplomatic, military and commercial interests. They left Singapore before they could be arrested.<<<


Officials said Jabarah was known as “Sammy” and was the mastermind of the Singapore bombing plot. Jabarah allegedly helped make home videotapes of potential targets in Singapore, including the U.S. and Israeli embassies.

The Singapore Home Affairs Ministry said this week that “Sammy” ordered members of the cell to buy 17 tons of ammonium nitrate fertilizer to load onto truck bombs. That is the material Timothy McVeigh used to blow up the Oklahoma City federal building in 1995.

Members of the Singapore cell were to use the trucks to blow up a variety of targets in addition to the U.S. and Israeli embassies, the ministry said, including offices of the British and Australian governments and commercial buildings housing U.S. companies.

“I believe he directed these members, teaching them how to construct bombs, pushing them to procure material for bomb construction,” Chan Heng Chee, Singapore’s ambassador to the United States, told NBC News.

129 posted on 04/04/2006 8:49:13 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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More on Sammy


U.S. and Singaporean security officials uncovered the plot in December. They discovered Sammy’s surveillance tape and arrested 15 men alleged to be part of Jemaah Islamiya, a network of Southeast Asian militants that seeks to build an Islamic state across Malaysia, Indonesia and the predominantly Muslim southern region of the Philippines.

Western officials said Jemaah Islamiya was linked to al-Qaida, which carried out the Sept. 11 attacks in New York and Washington. U.S. officials told NBC News that Jabarah acknowledged being a member of al-Qaida and admitted his involvement in the Singapore bombing plot.

The officials said Jabarah had knowledge of al-Qaida terrorist plans drawn up since Sept. 11 and could be called on to testify at the coming trials of other suspected al-Qaida terrorists, explaining how the organization works.

Among those they said Jabarah could testify against are Moussaoui; Jose Padilla, the former Chicago gang member who was arrested in May on suspicion of plotting to detonate a radioactive “dirty” bomb in the United States; and Richard Reid, the British airline passenger who was arrested in December after a trans-Atlantic flight on which he allegedly tried to set off bombs in his shoes.

130 posted on 04/04/2006 8:50:46 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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Al-Qaeda: After Afghanistan an FT series: Plot to blow up four embassies revealed on Afghan video

John Burton and Roel Landingin on how an al-Qaeda affiliate came close to carrying out a devastating act of terrorism

Published: February 19 2002 12:36GMT | Last Updated: February 21 2002 19:27GMT

Looming on a small rise overlooking the eight lanes of Napier Road, the US Embassy in Singapore is a forbidding building of dark gray granite.

Flanked on either side by the British and Australian high commissions, the target was perfect. All three were to have been reduced to rubble last December, in a plot that revealed the extensive crossborder organisation of a key affiliate of al-Qaeda.

Khalim bin Jaffir, a printer, and Hashim bin Abas, an electrical engineer, had originally come up with other ideas. They had preferred to bomb a shuttle bus that carried US military personnel between Sembawang Wharf on Singapore's north coast.

They videotaped the proposed attack site and Khalim delivered it to the al-Qaeda leadership in Afghanistan.

"Al-Qaeda leaders showed interest in the plan, but for reasons not known they did not subsequently pursue it," said an official at Singapore's Internal Security Department (ISD).

The plan that was eventually drawn up was much more ambitious, intended to devastate not only the security of the more prominent diplomatic missions, but to shatter the calm of the grand homes of the merchant class around the Israeli embassy on leafy Dalvey Road.

Bin Jaffir and bin Abbas both belonged to one of three Singapore-based cells of the Jemaah Islamiah (JI), a militant Islamist group with close ties to al-Qaeda.

It was four years earlier that the group had begun staking out potential targets for terrorist attacks.

In 1993 Ibrahim Maidin, the middle aged manager of a Singapore condominium, visited Afghanistan. On his return to Singapore he began recruiting like-minded Muslims to attend private classes on Islam. He also founded JI's first Singapore cell, the authorities say.

A frequent visitor to the meetings was Riduan Isamuddin 'Hambali', JI's regional leader based in the Malaysian capital Kuala Lumpur. In 1994, Maidin began sending recruits for religious and survival training in Malaysia. From there, Hambali selected some for training at al-Qaeda camps in Afghanistan, Singapore officials said.

By 1997, the Fiah Ayab cell - the first of what would become four JI Singapore cells - had been created.

As the world reeled from the September 11 attacks, a second cell, Fiah Musa, was preparing to go on the offensive.

Faiz bin Abu Bakar Bafana, a 39-year-old Singaporean businessman who had become a Malaysian citizen and served with Hambali on the JI's regional operations council in Malaysia, arranged a visit to Singapore.

The visitors were Fathur Rahman al-Ghozi - regarded by the ISD as JI's explosives expert - using the aliases 'Mike' and 'Randy Ali', and Jabarah Mohamed Mansur, a Canadian citizen of Kuwaiti descent, alias 'Sammy'.

Working with two JI cells in Singapore, al-Ghozi and Jabarah filmed the four embassies, as well as offices housing US companies and Singapore's military headquarters, Singapore officials said.

Yazid Sufaat, a US-trained chemist alleged to have hosted at least one al-Qaeda activist associated with the September 11 attacks during a visit to Kuala Lumpur, was ordered by Hambali to procure four tonnes of ammonium nitrate. He allegedly made the order through his company, Green Laboratory Medicine, and arranged for it to be stored at Muar, a quaint port town on Malaysia's west coast, according to Malaysian officials. However, Mr Yazid's lawyer, Saiful Izham Ramli denies the Singaporean allegations. "My client has nothing to do with al-Qaeda or any militant group. He was not involved at any level whatsoever in the September 11 attacks or any militant activities," he said.

The alleged plotters, advised by al-Ghozi that they would need more than four tonnes of ammonium nitrate to cause the desired level of destruction, then ordered seventeen tonnes more. They also began looking for seven trucks in which to rig up the bombs.

It was their attempts to order the ammonium nitrate from a local company which alerted the ISD.

In the wake of September 11, the ISD said it was already investigating the JI - though it knew nothing of the local cells - after receiving a tip-off that Mohammed Aslam bin Yar Ali Khan, a Singaporean of Pakistani descent, had suspected al-Qaeda links. He was captured in Afghanistan in November, leading the ISD to detain 15 people between December 9 and 24, among them Faiz, Maidin, Khalim and Hashim. Up to eight others fled the country.

A copy of the videotape showing the terrorists' targets was found in an al-Qaeda safehouse in Afghanistan and passed on to the Singaporeans in late December. Based on information provided by Singapore, al-Ghozi was arrested in Manila in mid-January, though not before he had bought a ton of Anzomex explosive, 300 detonators, six 400m rolls of detonating cord and 17 M16 assault rifles and hidden them on Mindanao.

Hambali, the presumed ringleader of the regional organisation, has meanwhile disappeared, as have the explosives stored in Muar.

With key figures still at large, the JI's activities are regarded as far from over. As Goh Chok Tong, the Singapore prime minister, recently said: "It is prudent to work on the assumption that a bomb may go off somewhere in Singapore, some day."

131 posted on 04/04/2006 8:54:31 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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Financial Times


Mohamed Mansour Jabarah, aka Sammy, whose parents moved back and forth between Kuwait and Canada, grew up in Ontario, near Niagara Falls. Investigators said no one else in his family was involved in his terrorist activities.

Maria Kemp, a neighbor, said Jabarah’s father asked her to attend the family’s mosque after Sept. 11.

“He wanted us to get to know them better and not to have fear of the family because of the September 11 terrorist attacks, and just to learn more about their culture,” she said.

132 posted on 04/04/2006 8:56:54 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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Person of Interest: Mohammed Mansour Jabarah

Age: 21

Nationality: Canadian

Background: Born in Kuwait.

Trained by Al Qaeda in Afghanistan where he met Osama bin Laden.

Chosen by Osama bin Laden to escalate the Islamic holy war in South East Asia.

Dispatched by Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the head of the military committee of Al Qaeda and the mastermind of the 9/11 operation.

Arrived in Singapore in October 2001.

Began planning a series of truck bomb attacks in Singapore against western embassies including the Australian High Commission. Operation foiled when authorities moved in and busted the local Jemaah Islamiyah cell.

Role in the Bali bombing: Met with Hambali in Southern Thailand in January 2002 to discuss "soft targets".

Told the FBI that Hambali was planning to "conduct small bombings in bars, cafes or nightclubs frequented by westerners in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia".

Status: Arrested in Oman over the Singapore plot on 1 April, 2002.

U.S. Department of Justice Federal Bureau of Investigation

In reply, please refer to August 21, 2002 File No.

Information Derived From Mohammed Mansour Jabarah

The following information concerning Father Rahman Al Ghozi, aka Saad, aka Mike, and the Jemaah Islamiyah, was obtained during FBI interviews of Mohammed Mansour Jabarah, aka Sammy. This document contains neither recommendations nor conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the FBI and is loaned to your agency; it and its contents are not to be distributed outside of your agency.

During early September 2001, Jabarah traveled to Malaysia to meet with individuals who were planning an operation against the U.S. and Israeli Embassies in the Philippines. Jabarah advised that he (Jabarah) was in charge of the financing for the operation. After arriving in Kuala' Lumpur, Jabarah contacted Azzam, aka Zulkifli Marzuki, about arranging a meeting with Mahmoud aka Faiz Bafana, and Saad. Azzam told Jabarah that Mahmoud was on a business trip and Saad was in the mountains in the Philippines training with the rebels.

Once Mahmoud returned to Malaysia, he met with Jabarah. Jabarah told Mahmoud that he needed to go to the Philippines, and Mahmoud said he would get in touch with Saad, as he is the person who would obtain any of the needed explosives. Mahmoud told Jabarah and his associate Ahmed Sahagi to go to the Philippines to meet with Saad. Mahmoud said Saad would E-mail them when they arrived in the Philippines. Jabarah stated that Ahmed's role in the mission was to be the one of the suicide bombers.

When Jabarah and Ahmed reached the Philippines, they checked into the Horizon Hotel in Makati. After a couple of days, Saad e-mailed Jabarah and provided a telephone number in Manila: Saad spoke fluent Arabic. After talking to Saad on the phone they arranged for Saad to come to the hotel in two days. When Saad arrived at the hotel, Saad informed Jabarah that he only bad 300 KG Of TNT and he needed additional time and money. Saad informed Jabarah he wanted four tons of explosives. Saad, who was the explosive expert, also explained to Jabarah and Ahmed that the U.S. Embassy in Manila is not a good target since the set back from the road was too far. Saad took Jabarah to the

U.S. Embassy and the office building where the Israeli Embassy is located. Saad told Jabarah that he wanted to go to Malaysia and discuss with Mahmoud the situation. Jabarah and Ahmed spent 10 days in Manila.

After the trip to the Philippines with Saad, Jabarah and Ahmed returned to Malaysia separately from Saad in October 2001. - Jabarah informed Azzam that they needed to

This document contains neither recommendations nor conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the FBI and is loaned to you -r agency; it and its contents are not to be distributed outside your agency.

meet with Mahnioud when Saad returned from the Philippines. Azzam e-mailed Jabarah when Saad returned to Kuala Lumpur and they arranged for a meeting. Attending this meeting were Jabarah, Ahmad, Azzarn, Mahmoud, Saad, and an unknown Malaysian. Saad spoke to Azzam and Mahmoud in Malay and explained to Jabarah that he told Mahmoud and Azzam that the targets in the Philippines were not good. Mahmoud then suggested Jabarah go to Singapore, meet with Saad and a couple of other Singaporeans, and videotape targets in Singapore.

During November 2001, Saad returned to the Philippines to inquire about obtaining the TNT.

During early December-200 1, Hambali advised Jabarah that they should cancel the Singapore operation and-move the target back to the U.S. and Israel Embassies in the Philippines. Hambali believed that operations in the Philippines could be accomplished sooner since the explosives would not have to be shipped. Hambali stated that. if the targets in the Philippines were unacceptable-, they should find better targets in the Philippines. Hambali and Azzam told Jabarah to contact Saad, who was in Manila at this time, and tell him to cancel the Singapore operation and attack targets, in the Philippines;

The last contact Jabarah had with Hambali was in mid January. 2002, in Thailand. During his time Hambali discussed carrying out attacks with his group. His plan was to conduct small bombings in bars, cafes or nightclubs frequented by westerners' in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Philippines and Indonesia.

Jabarah stated that there were code words used by Al Qaeda. The code words were generally established by the individual cells. Some of the code words they used in Asia were

Market = Malaysia Soup = Singapore Terminal =-Indonesia Hotel= Philippines Book = Passport American = White Meat

Jabarah stated that Saad told him that he (Saad) was a member of Jemaah Islamiyah that he trained with explosives in Afghanistan in 1995 with Abu Khabab.

When asked about the potential targets in Asia, Jabarah noted that the planned attack n Singapore would not have been difficult. This embassy is very close to the street and did not have many barriers, to prevent the attack. An attack on the U.S. Embassy in Manila would have been much more difficult, requiring at least two operations. Jabarah added that this would most likely not been successful, adding that a plane would be needed to attack this building because the security was very tough.

This document contains neither recommendations nor conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the FBI and is loaned to you -r agency; it and its contents are not to be distributed outside your agency.

Jabarah and Ahmad were arrested in Oman during March 2002. . Jabarah was in Oman to assist Al Qaeda operatives traveling through Oman to Yemen. Jabarah believes that Ahmed was deported to Yemen.

This document contains neither recommendations nor conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the FBI and is loaned to you -r agency; it and its contents are not to be distributed outside your agency.

133 posted on 04/04/2006 9:03:15 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: sageb1
Sorry - that wasn't apparent to me. My apologies!
134 posted on 04/04/2006 9:08:28 AM PDT by HardStarboard
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To: Calpernia
Speaking of Abu Sayyaf:

Saddam's Philippines Terror Connection

Although, the dates on these memos are from 2001, I wonder how far their cooperation goes back? Excerpt:

These documents add to the growing body of evidence confirming the Iraqi regime's longtime support for terrorism abroad. The first of them, a series of memos from the spring of 2001, shows that the Iraqi Intelligence Service funded Abu Sayyaf, despite the reservations of some IIS officials. The second, an internal Iraqi Intelligence memo on the relationships between the IIS and Saudi opposition groups, records that Osama bin Laden requested Iraqi cooperation on terrorism and propaganda and that in January 1997 the Iraqi regime was eager to continue its relationship with bin Laden. The third, a September 15, 2001, report from an Iraqi Intelligence source in Afghanistan, contains speculation about the relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda and the likely U.S. response to it.

135 posted on 04/04/2006 9:16:12 AM PDT by ravingnutter
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To: Calpernia
Apparently the connections went back far enough according to Laurie Mylroie :

Yousef and Terry Nichols were in the Philippines simultaneously. Nichols's trips there are undisputed; his wife's relatives lived in Cebu City. Cebu is also the territory of the Islamic terrorist group Abu Sayyaf.

The defense team also obtained a statement from Philippines law-enforcement officials about a meeting of Nichols and Yousef. The statement was given by a putative Abu Sayyaf leader, Edward Angeles. Angeles is a murky figure. Born Ibrahim Yakub and said to be one of the founders of Abu Sayyaf, he surrendered to the Philippine Army in 1995, claiming he had been all the time a deep penetration agent for the government. Angeles was assassinated in 1999 by unknown gunmen.

The McVeigh defense filings portray the Nichols link to the Cebu City boarding house, Ramzi Yousef and Abu Sayyaf as grounds for believing that bomb-making expertise may have been passed to Nichols through "Iraqi intelligence based in the Philippines."

The Iraq Connection

136 posted on 04/04/2006 9:50:08 AM PDT by ravingnutter
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To: ravingnutter

Abu Sayyaf & the CIA'S Terror Incubator in the Philippines

It ís generally agreed that the same arm of Al Quaeda responsible for the 1993 WTC bombing returned on 9/11/01 to finish the job. Itís a reasonable assumption that the first attempt to level the towers, and the subsequent paths of blind cleric Rahman's fellow conspirators, should provide some answers to questions left in the wake of 911 concerning its obscure history and sponsorship.

Media histories of al-Queda trace its roots to Saudi Arabia. Founder Osama Bin Laden pushed early funding through the International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO), as arranged in meetings between al Qaeda's inner-circle and the charity's directors. (The Saudi government funded terrorist attacks on Israel in utter secrecy throughout most of the 1990's via charities in Virginia and Florida.

1) Ayman al-Zawahiri, bin Ladenís lieutenant, was employed by the IIRO in Albania. The Philippine branch office was run by Osamaís brother-in-law (1986-94), who made a hand-off of cash to the Abu Sayyaf, an al Quaeda offshoot.

2) The DoD, CIA and other opaque branches of government, drawn by the lure of Japanese and German gold (gold??), maintained a particularly busy presence in the Philippines as the Marcos kleptocracy declined and fell. Khashoggi's Iran-contra ally, Oliver North, oversaw back door shipments of the recovered gold, much of it to Arab governments, some of it to Middle Eastern terrorists trading on the black market. North met with Osama Bin Ladenís money men often to negotiate exchange of the gold.

The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), like Al Quaeda, owed its existence to the intelligence establishment. The ASG was co-founded by Edwin Angeles, an undercover agent for the Defense Intelligence Group at the Department of National Defense, Republic of the Philippines. His Muslim handle was ìIbrahim Yakubî and as the organizationís operations officer and chief recruiter, he was largely responsible for the spread - and criminalization - of the Abu Sayyaf.

Filipino television news reporter Arlyn de la Cruz, in her history of the ASG, writes that Angeles/Yokub "holds the key to the deep intricacies of how some government agencies manipulated the rawness of the Abu Sayyaf during its early years." This observation still applies, and can be said of al Quaeda, the CIA-bred Taliban mutation, as well.

It was Angeles who actually introduced the idea of kidnapping as part of the fund-raising activities of the Abu Sayyaf," she recalls - this would be the abduction of a wealthy woman in Davao. "Edwin planned the abduction and even initiated the plan himself." The victim was held not far from the Brigade Headquarters of the Philippine Marines in Tabuk. She was released after her family paid the million-pesos ransom to Abu Sayyaf.

The next abductee was Luis "Ton-Ton" Biel, a five year-old child, and his grandfather ... then Claretian priest Bernardo Blanco. Soon, the media were requesting interviews, and ìYokubî stepped before the cameras to act the role of lethal but well-spoken religious lunatic. Angeles, according to Cruz, was a "good speaker, a good actor. He spoke like a Leftist leader espousing Fundamentalist principles."

The May 16 2004, an accidental blast at the Evergreen Hotel in Davao was a clear statement that the Al Quaeda offshoot still functions as an intelligence front, a proxy army of the National Security Council that exists to justify intervention in the Philippines.

The explosion - publicized in the States as the work of the dread ASG - was set off by a store of dynamite belonging to one Michael Meiring, an African-born, naturalized, proverbially Ugly American citizen. Meiring claimed that Abu Sayyafís mad dogs had lobbed a grenade into his hotel room, an alibi proven to be false upon examination of the scene by local police. Meiring was so badly injured that both of his legs had to be amputated at the knees.

The dynamite, the Manila Times reported, also tore off his mantle of obscurity, exposing the accident-prone Ugly American ìand his numerous American and Filipino partners, to the public limelight.î6 From the rubble at the Evergreen Hotel emerged the story of ìa complex man, whose trail leads back to South Africa and boxes supposedly containing US Federal Reserve notes and bonds obtained from the Abu Sayyaf. The Times reported that employees of the hotel ìclaimed that while they were cleaning Meiring's room before the explosion, he warned them not to touch two metal boxes, which he said contained important documents. Police investigators said they recovered blasting caps and ammonium nitrate from the room, where Meiring had stayed since Dec. 14, 2001.

Meiring refused to talk to Philipine police. Bloodied and burned by the explosion, he was whisked out of the country on a chartered plane, according Col. Lino Calingasan, a local immigratiion official, by agents of the FBI and NSC. ìAmerican David Hawthorn, a close friend of Meiring, claimed the blast victim had confessed passing to Mandelaís government the proceeds of a box of old US federal notes. That box was one in a set of twelve, containing an estimated $500-million in counterfeit American notes.

Hawthorn had been shown a letter from the South African government and a US Treasury permit to support his story. Hawthorn also saw a ëpacking listí that had ìa cover sheet printed with the words US ARMY, the Army seal, some numbers and a group of upper case letters. Meiring, he said, claimed the list represented the serial numbers of the missing notes, dating back to 1937. Similar ëboxesí were recovered by United States Secret Service and the Philippine Central Bank late last year. Other counterfeit bonds and currency were also recovered from a hotel in Davao a few months ago. It has been reported that these were to be ... shipped to Las Vegas, Nevada.

Philippine police discovered that Meiring, the NSC amputee, had run with neo-nazis and Islamic radicals alike, including the Abu Sayyaf and other radical fronts. His key contact in Nevada was financier James Rowe of Nevada, an executive producer for Wild Rose Productions, an independent documentary production company in New Green Valley, near Las Vegas. Rowe, in turn, ran with white supremacists and tax rebels in Nevada, also neo-nazis in the United States and Germany. Another of Meiringís contacts back home was Chuck Ager, an ultracon mining engineer in Colorado. Another was Nina North (possibly an alias), a CIA operative who took over ìback doorî financial transactions in black market gold formerly conducted by Oliver North. Another was Filipino-American Bob Gould, a tax protester from Hayward, California in league with Fred Obado, leader of the Kodar Kiram terrorist cell, son of Sultan Jumalul Kiram.

Meiring operated a shell company called PAROUSIA - a term used by right-wing Christian evangelicals, a reference to the second coming of Christ.

But Meiers wasnít the only home-grown terrorist running loose in the Philippines: Three Vietnamese terrorists arrested last year for plotting to blow up the Vietnamese Embassy here were assets of the US intelligence community, the Times reported.


Robert J. Freidman, a journalist for the Village Voice, wrote one of the most signally important articles of the previous decade, ìThe CIA and the Sheikh.î5 The feature was an inventory of critical leads, eroded over time, sadly, by opportunities lost.

If the killers of Rabbi Meir Kahana, the vitriolic leader of the Jewish Defense League, had been captured and sentenced, Freidman contends, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing - and by extension, 911 - would have never have occurred.

On November 5, 1990, Freidman wrote, El Sayyid Nosair, a pudgy, bearded 34-year-old Egyptian American and a core member of the El Salaam Mosque, calmly walked up to the podium of a conference room in the Halloran House, a midtown Manhattan hotel, after Kahane had finished a one-hour speech. Moments later, Kahane was shot once in the throat at point-blank range with a .357 magnum, and Nosair bolted outside. During a running gun battle down Lexington Avenue, Nosair was wounded by an off-duty postal inspector and finally captured by New York City police.

An FBI informant told Freidman that Nosair frequented the El Salaam Mosque in Jersey City. Nosair was close with Sheikh Abdel Rahman. I told them that, four days before, I saw with my own eyes the Sheikh meeting with Nosair at a Lebanese restaurant on Atlantic Avenue in Brooklyn. It was 7 p.m. There was Nosair, the Sheikh, a person escorting the Sheikh, and another person I don't know. They were deep in conversation."

After the arrest of Kahaneís assailant, police found evidence that Kahane's murder was just the first in a planned spree. Scrawled on a bank calendar in Nosair's home was a hit list that included the names of a U.S. representative, two federal judges, and a former assistant U.S. Attorney.

The secretive clutch of Muslims from the Mosque often met with Nosair to discuss means of destroying symbols of the Israeli-loving Babylon they despised, "the Empire State Building, the Statue of Liberty. The World Trade Center.

Many are wondering why there wasn't a comprehensive, wide-ranging investigation of Meir Kahane's murder, Friedman reported. What investigators would have found if they had done their job thoroughly is that Sheikh Abdel Rahman and El Sayyid Nosair were at the heart of a far-flung terrorist conspiracy.

1) John Loftus, What Congress does not know about Enron and 9/11, May 31, 2002,

2) Dore Gold, The Suicide Bombing Attacks in Saudi Arabia: A Preliminary Assessment, Jerusalem Issue Brief, Institute for Contemporary Affairs, Vol. 2, No. 28, May 13, 2003,

3) Edith Regalado, CIA whisks away Brit-Am blast victim; now in US, Philippine Star, July 9, 2002.

4) Anon., ìEdwin Angeles: The spy who came in from the cold,, .htm

5) Robert J. Freidman, The CIA and the Sheikh, Village Voice, March 30, 1993.

6) See, for a summary of the Manila Times series written by Dorian Zumel-Sicat and Jeannette Andrade, May 29, 2002 through May 31, 2002. Also see, Manila Timesí news reports to June 19, 2002.

7) Ibid.

Saudi Entrepeneur Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists


"[McVeigh's attorneys] said they believe the FBI still has information that others helped McVeigh.... They have even suggested that some government authorities might have known about the bombing plot in advance..." - Los Angeles Times, 6-7-01

OpEd prophets and televised martinets dismiss out-of-hand the possibility that the government had anything to do with the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995. But David Hoffman, a reporter in San Francisco, begged to differ. He put together a dense book, The Oklahoma Bombing and the Politics of Terror (Feral House), noting numerous connections of Iran-contra's "Secret Team" to the bombing. Unfortunately, the FBI's Oliver "Buck" Revell filed suit against Feral House when he discovered a single unsubstantiated fact. The book was recalled. It is no longer available (although Amazon.Com still has a limited number of copies and scalps them for $100 a copy). Hoffman's investigation led him to conclude that elements of the "Octopus" (linked in a "small world" way with Buck Revell) were deeply involved in the bombing.

My own Virtual Government: CIA Mind Control Operations in America (Feral House, 1997) has a chapter on the devastation in Oklahoma City. That book is still on the shelves but no major publication has ever reviewed it and its contents on the bombing have been completely ignored by the revisionist press at large. I also came to conclude that the Iran-contra crowd was responsible for the bombing and subsequent cover-up.

The Team's ties to known terrorists are already thoroughly documented. The Iran-contra affair itself involved arms deals with terrorists. After the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Scotland, Bob Woodward reported in the Washington Post (12-4-88) that sensitive documents aboard the plane would have linked Oliver North to Abu Nidal, the most dangerous terrorist operating at the time. Nidal had access to a quantity of Semtex H plastic explosive and air-pressure-sensitive detonation bombs sold to Libya by the CIAís Edwin Wilson (see: Los Angeles Times, 12-28-88). In 1989, Americans for Middle East Understanding reported in The Link, a newsletter, that Donald Gregg, an advisor to George Bush, Sr., was the administrationís contact to the Mike Harari network. Harrari, an Isreali Mossad agent, led an assassination squad in the 1970s that targeted Palestinians. One of the Harrari groupís most notorious acts was the murder of a Moroccan waiter in Norway mistakenly identified as an agent of the Ali Salamehís Black Septembers.

There was a concerted attempt by Vincent Cannistraro, an Iran-contra player, federal "experts" and CIA spin doctors to pin ultimate responsibility for the Alfred P. Murrah FB bombing on Osama Bin Laden's mystery terorists. Cannistraro ONCE blamed the murders In Oklahoma City on "ENVIRONMENTALISTS out to DESTROY all human life on earth." He NOW claims (see the June 11, 2001 issue of The New American, published by the fascist John Birch Society) that he had intelligence information BEFORE the blast concerning Middle Eastern terrorists. The contradiction is glaring: If his claim has any weight, if he indeed KNEW that Muslim extremists had designs on a major American target, WHY did he tell reporters immediately after the blast that ENVIRONMENTALISTS were responsible?

In The Boston Globe, on May 16, 1995, another CIA Iran-contra figure, anti-terrorism "expert" Neil Livingstone, also claimed that Middle Eastern terrorists engineered the Oklahoma blast. A veteran of Air America, the notorious CIA opium courier in Southeast Asia, Livingstone once publicly defended the Agencyís assassination manual. He was recruited to Air America by James Cunningham, its founder - later a central participant in CIA "renegade" Edwin Wilsonís arms sales to Ghaddafi. Livingstone has long-standing ties to Israeli intelligence and the fascist Popular Alliance Party of Spain. He was also an executive at Robert Keith Grayís public relations firm Gray & Co. in the District of Columbia. He was brought into the firm by Charles Crawford, who ran the International Division that served as a branch office of Oliver Northís civilian supply network.

Openly tying a Middle Eastern terrorists to the bombing diverts attention from possible CIA involvement: "There is a remarkable similarity between the methods used by Islamic terrorists in the bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut, the attack on the World Trade Center, and the bombing in Oklahoma. The truckload of explosives is almost a signature or calling card and it is the weapon of choice among these groups." Livingstone noted: "Very typically, these terrorists have found homegrown radicals to use as dupes in the actual bombings. They have supplied the money and the technical expertise and highly skilled operatives to guide a project and then get out of town before they can be apprehended." This is also the modus operandi of a certain American intelligence agency.

For the record, there WAS indeed a Middle Eastern connection - but like McVeigh and Nichols, the Muslim terrorists involved were linked to the Iran-contra players and other ranking Pentagonians who remained in the background of the 1987-88 congressional investigation of Irangate (it focused on Oliver North's civilain network almost exclusively and bent over backwards to avoid discussion of the core military and intelligence ties).

137 posted on 04/04/2006 10:03:47 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Richard Kimball
I've always believed that the Oklahoma City bombing had an Islamic connection. Dittos for Flight 800. The Feds denied terrorist attacks whenever possible, but the WTC was impossible to assign to someone else.

I agree. And the series of anthrax attacks was another one probably done by Muslims that were pawned off on us as "domestic".

138 posted on 04/04/2006 10:06:11 AM PDT by jpl ("We don't negotiate with terrorists, we put them out of business." - Scott McClellan)
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To: Calpernia


139 posted on 04/04/2006 10:10:27 AM PDT by Freee-dame
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"The Iran-contra Players and the CIA's War on America," Virtual Government, by Alex Constantine, Feral House, 1997


Who should step forward immediately after the bombing but a chorus of "National Security Experts" drawn from hundreds of propagandists squatting in the duck-blinds of the corporate press.

The most strident terrorism "expert" consulted by the media was Vincent Cannistraro, the former CIA officer who ran covert ops for the NSC during the Iran-contra debacle ó with its cocaine backdrop. In 1991, Cannistraro told the San Francisco Chronicle that sinister "environmentalists" had mustered into "clandestine cells," plotting to develop technologies to diminish, even "eliminate" the entire human race.

Cannistraro performed a similar service for the Contragate contingent at the NSC by blaming the Gander crash on Iraqui terrorists. In fact, the plane was bearing a score of intelligence agents to the U.S. when it crashed in Newfoundland. Several of them had gathered damning information on John Singlaub, North and related Pentagon/CIA subterfuges abroad.

In December 1990, Gene Wheaton, formerly an investigator for the Christic Institute, concluded a probe of the Arrow Air jet crash with the comment, "the official version is a cover-up, and the Canadian and U.S. government officials who are responsible have been criminally negligent or worse." On board had been over 20 crack commandos from the Special Forces, identified on the passenger log as "warrant officers." Arrow Air itself was a CIA dummy front, and bore a ton of mystery cargo when the jet and its 256 passengers went down.

Wheaton discovered that Arrow had transported arms from Israel to Iran on Northís behalf as part of the arms-for- hostages swap. The mid-flight explosion, he claims, was a retaliatory strike by the Iranians for a swindle perpetrated by the Reagan administrationís pugnacious schemer, Oliver North. Five years on, seeds planted by the Iran-contra players resulted in another bombing ó of the Alfred Murrah Building in Oklahoma City....

Larry Nichols [a vocal Clinton critic] is a CIA veteran of the contra guns-for-drugs network. Nichols fought under John Singlaub in Vietnam, and reported to the World Anti-Communist League official during the Nicaraguan contra war.

Singlaub is an anti-Communist of the 1950s genus, and it was during that decade, as deputy CIA station chief in South Korea, that his political psychopathology found an outlet. During the Korean war he fell in with a circle of Seoulís most powerful politicians, spies and industrialists. His sole ambition in life since appears to be fundraising to destroy Communism. In Vietnam, Singlaub organized the dreaded Phoenix Program under his Special Operations Group, a bund of 10,000 troops unleashed in the south to conduct covert raids, assassinations of Viet Minh by the tens of thousands, psychological warfare and sabotage missions. Ollie North was one of John Singlaubís second lieutenants.

Claire Sterling writes that Singlaub "the centurion came to be regarded with awe by a whole generation of military men and intelligence officers, many of whom shared his conservative views about the way things should be in Asia. Around him grew a following that developed into an infrastructure at the Pentagon and CIA."

The quarter of covert intelligence that took part in the Iran-contra scandal was represented in the Oklahoma bombing case by Michael Tigar, the attorney representing Terry Nichols. In the 1960s and í70s, Tigar was employed by the law firm of Williams, Wadden & Stein. He reported to Edward Bennett Williams, the head of the firm, a powerful Beltway attorney on intimate terms with the CIA. Williams often referred to Tigar as his "most brilliant protÈgÈ."

The law firm sprang into existence to cater to the same interagency intelligence underground implicated in drug distribution, mind control and a pile of exploding compost in Oklahoma City.

A senior partner of the firm was Brendon Sullivan, the high-strung legal phenomenon who represented Oliver North during the Congressional Iran-contra hearings.

Williams, a Jesuit, was offered the post of CIA director by two presidents. He refused, possibly because he was already a de facto CIA functionary, and thereby shaped history ó Gerald Ford gave the job to George Bush instead. Robert Maheu, the CIA hit man, attended Holy Cross with Williams and was a close friend. In 1958, the famed attorney referred Maheu to Los Angeles mobster Johnny Roselli to plot against Cuban premier Fidel Castro.

Junk bond magnate Michael Milken, a client of the firm, openly wept at his funeral in 1988. Williamsí client roster included Joseph McCarthy, Mafia don Frank Costello, Jimmy Hoffa, Frank Sinatra, Armand Hammer and John Connally. He was general counsel to Georgetown University, which has long maintained a symbiotic relationship with Langley.

Tigar came to the firm after resigning his position as a Supreme Court clerk. He represented some extremely high-powered clients for a journeyman attorney. He coached Bobby Baker, the LBJ aide imprisoned for tax fraud and influence peddling in 1967, before Senate appearances. Tigar defended John Connally when the former Texas governor was accused of pocketing a bribe. Connally was acquitted. Tigar was rewarded with a prize bull. He packed the beast off to Fidel Castro.

One San Francisco reporter described Tigar, with his danger-high-voltage wardrobe and crewcut, as appearing "more like a Young Republican than the spell-binding firebrand he was a dozen years ago." The press has made much of his radical days at Berekely, his representation of Angela Davis, but he has more than comforted critical neo-"conservatives" by taking on far-right clients. One of the most controversial was John Demjanjuk, the accused Nazi war criminal. Tigar also represented Clayton Jackson, the California lobbyist convicted for money laundering, racketeering and offering a bribe to state senator Alan Robbins.

He agreed to counsel Terry Nichols at the request of three federal judges.

Like his mercurial attorney, Nichols was turned out by the same national security bund behind the Iran-contra swaps and the World Trade Center bombing, not to mention foreign coups, death squad outrages, drug imports and a long history of homicidal covert operations.

After his arrest, federal agents discovered that Terry Nichols had a locker full of gold and silver bullion stored in a locker in Las Vegas. Gold, like guns and drugs, is a favored currency in the international netherworld of "spycraft."

Nichols obtained the gold in November, 1994 while on a junket to the Philippines.

Terry Nichols hid a dagger under his compost-smeared cloak. Lana Padilla, his ex-wife, called a news conference on July 13 after visiting him in prison. She said that Nichols made frequent trips to the Philippines since 1989 ó so many, in fact, that the farmer from Kansas had charged $40,000 in air fares to his credit cards. Ms. Padilla also claimed that Tim McVeigh footed the bill for the 1989 trip.

The gold, Padilla said, was given to Nichols by a party unknown in the Philippines ó allegedly a bearded Islamic involved in the World Trade Center bombing.

Padilla said that Nichols never took Mary Fay, his current wife (a mail-order bride from the Philippines), when he travelled, even though her family lived in Cebu. Cebu is a well-known terrorist haunt in the Phillipines.

Nichols told Lana, before departing for his last visit to the Philippines, "I might not be coming back." He travelled with a gun, she said ó and managed to pass through airport security gates. Before he left, he entrusted her with $20,000 for McVeigh in case he never returned. He did, and he was noticeably on edge, "Those people can kill you," he said with a shudder, "Iím never going back there again."

Critics of the CIA have dismissed Padillaís tale of terrorists in the Philippines as a ploy to distract attention from the true source of the funds. One of Padillaíshrillest critics was Tony Sgarlatti, host of "The Truth (as I see it)," a cable program originating in Minnesota that purports to raise the lid on secret government. Sgarlattiís video credits include "Proof that UFOs are Real" and "What the Government isnít telling you about AIDS."

"Itís very clear that Lana is lying," Sgarlatti argued with prescient confidence, noting that heíd spoken with an unnamed official of the bombing investigative team.

"Lana is trying to make money selling her story to the tabloid newspapers," Sgarlatti said. "Terry Nichols only knew Tim McVeigh for a short time, about five weeks." The court affidavit of Terry Nichols, however, states that he and McVeigh had experimented with explosives as long ago as 1992.

Sgarlatti was employing a time-tested technique for discrediting a troublesome witness ó the old tabloid fever gambit. As a matter of fact, bearded Islamic bomb-tossers with safe houses in the Philippines have proved useful to the national security crowd.

And the investigation of the World Trade Center bombing was not as painstaking as it might have been. Sandbags were repeatedly dropped in the path of investigators by the CIA. One veteran FBI agent, in a Village Voice story that appeared on March 30, 1993, claimed that Sheikh Abdel Rahman was a core conspirator. "It was no accident that the sheikh got a visa and that heís still in the country," one veteran FBI agent laments. "Heís here under the banner of national security, the State Department, the NSA and the CIA. I havenít seen a lone-gunman theory advocated [so forcefully] since the John F. Kennedy assassination."

Jack Blum, a former investigator for the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee, was appalled. "One of the big problems here is that many suspects in the World Trade Center bombing were associated with the mujahedeen," Blum pointed out. "There are components of our government that are absolutely disinterested in following that path because it leads back to people we supported in the Afghan war."

"We" are a deep cover infantry of counter-insurgent drug smugglers, arms dealers, money launderers and professional liars.

There is a bridge spanning the World Trade Center and the Oklahoma City federal building. Itís in the Philippines.

And itís made of gold ó Japanese and Nazi gold buried in underground vaults once used to imprison and torture American prisoners of war and local insurgents. Approximately 1,000 tons of the loot was liberated by Ferdinand Marcos before his ouster. Billions of dollars worth were shipped overseas by American intelligence agents and the Mafia. Much of the horde was cabbaged away in a high-security, subterranean storage cachÈ buried beneath the Zurich airport. This vault was once used to conceal European gold from Hitlerís greedy SS scavengers. Fifty years later, some of the same bullion has found its way into the campaign coffers of ultra-conservative political candidates in the U.S., according to the Las Vegas Sun.

But Marcos didnít recover the lionís share of the pelf. A six-month series in the Sun reported in 1993 that Marcos abandoned thousands of tons of gold hidden in his homeland. Gary Thompson, the newspaperës former managing editor, and journalist Steve Kanigher published copies of gold certificates from Credit Suisse, deposit records from the Union Bank of Switzerland, the correspondence of Corazon Aquino and letters to Reagan administration officials documenting witness accounts that lackeys of the CIA and Army Special Forces carted off an unknown quantity of the bullion. They followed one lead after another, flying around the world for 11 months to piece together an elaborate story of political corruption and greed.

The gold extraction was sanctioned by Lt. General Robert Schweitzer, President Reaganís senior military liaison to the National Security Council, and Lt. General Daniel Graham, then director of the DIA and a key consultant on the Strategic Defense Initiative. Schweitzer and retired General John Singlaub, the aforementioned veteran of the Iran-contra affair, joined the board of Nippon Star, a Japanese conglomerate with branches in the Philippines. As they explained to two plaintive Nippon Star consultants, "the company is going out of business ó the National Security Council is taking over."

Among those recruited to run the intelligence front was retired Army Colonel Dan Myers, a former aide to Watergate celebrity G. Gordon Liddy. Eldon "Dan" Cummings, a Pentagon staffer, was named vice president.

Schwartzís ambitious aide, Oliver North, was already dabbling in the gold trade. In 1985, he attempted to sell 44 tons of Marcos bullion, worth $465 million, on the black market. He blithely suggested skimming $5 million to finance the Nicaraguan contra war, but the deal fell through when North, true to form, stiffed the Israeli middlemen on the Marcos payroll.

Tapes and documents implicating American officials in the gold transfers were withheld from the Iran-contra committee by Major General Colin Powell, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and William Odom, director of the NSA. "It wasnít so much the mention of gold that concerned them," say Thompson and Kanigher. "It was Marcos talking (on tape) about contributions to U.S. presidential campaigns and the use of the gold proceeds to fund illegal arms deals."

To extract the gold, Ray Cline, then deputy director of the CIA, organized a working group that included a chief regulator of the S&L industry. Citibank was drawn into the operation to negotiate ownership of a Philippine gold horde secreted in the Bahamas.NASA pilots drew up a plan to transport the bullion (a link to Caslpan?)

Bo Gritz, the swashbuckling Idaho militia leader who ran for president with David Duke as his running mate, also travelled to the Philippines to participate in the gold dig. Gritz claims that he struck out ó but the Special Forces veteran has been known to spin a plausible denial or two in his time.

The upshot was that either Lana Padilla was telling the truth about Terry Nicholsí mystery trips abroad, or she is a scholar of national security studies with an emphasis on black ops. Her allusion to terrorists from the Middle East was hardly far-fetched. General Schweitzerís crew from the NSC hired a team of lawyers to sell the gold recovered in the Philippines. Much of it was sold off to Middle Eastern terrorists. Some of them have indeed been linked to the World Trade Center bombing, according to Kanigher and Thompson.

It is not at all unlikely that Terry Nichols should have had dealings with the rabid foreign clients of the national security sector

140 posted on 04/04/2006 10:53:30 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Calpernia
America placed missiles with nuclear heads capability in Kuwait aimed on Russia and that what he saw with his own eyes

Capability simply say's they were capable. Doesn't say they were armed...

141 posted on 04/04/2006 11:02:36 AM PDT by Osage Orange (The old/liberal/socialist media is the most ruthless and destructive enemy of this country.)
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To: Calpernia
The contradiction is glaring: If his claim has any weight, if he indeed KNEW that Muslim extremists had designs on a major American target, WHY did he tell reporters immediately after the blast that ENVIRONMENTALISTS were responsible?

Cannistraro is an egotistical liar, I'd love to see his butt nailed. I'm still trying to tie him to the Niger forgeries...I just know he was up to his neck in that too. He threatened me once on here already when he thought I was getting too close. From my files:

Also, Rocco only "procured" the documents, he did not forge them. Fitzgerald went to Italy to investigate the Niger Embassy (in Rome) burglary...where the letterhead and seals for the forgeries were stolen. Ex-CIA agent (and coincidentally, an advisor to the Vatican in Rome),Vincent Cannistraro has stated that Alan Wolf and Duane Clarridge were the actual forgers, but his account is the only one available that I can find on the subject. He has also pointed the finger at Michael Ledeen, but Ledeen has publicly made a statement that he had nothing to do with it and demanded an apology from Cannistraro.

In addition, despite what the MSM is reporting, the Italians released a press report yesterday saying they had nothing to do with the forgeries:

Italy denies role in fake documents on Iraq

This was also backed up by Rocco here

Cannistraro's "theory" falls apart when you consider that he:

1) blamed SISME (the Italians), which has proven to be wrong

2) bases his assumptions on a Dec 2001 Ledeen meeting, when Cannistraro himself was in Rome in Nov 2001, which would make him just as suspect.

I also discovered that Cannistraro worked directly with Clarridge during Iran Contra, so he has alot of nerve bringing that up in connection to Ledeen. Another interesting tidbit (#47) that I discovered is that Wolf and Clarridge worked with Aldrich Ames, who outed Plame to the Russians in the 90's. Coincidence? I think not. Cannistraro trying to kill two birds with one stone to cover his own carcass seems to be the more likely answer. Equally suspicious is the Hersch article, where Cannistraro and another unnamed agent state the exact route the documents took and Cannistraro actually admits that he called the CIA about the documents before they were proven to be false. This begs the question...just how did Cannistraro know about the documents before they were vetted? Sounds a whole lot like Wilson's slip-up about seeing the documents.

Two other names just crept into this...Niger Ambassador Adamou Chekou, who was in charge at the Embassy when the break-in and forgeries occurred and Wissam al-Zahawiah, Iraqi Ambassador to the Holy See. Seems Italian Intelligence was eavesdropping on these two and discovered their "hotline".

Did you read that carefully. Holy See? As in Vatican? Where Vincent Cannistraro is the security advisor?

142 posted on 04/04/2006 12:04:48 PM PDT by ravingnutter
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To: jpl

There was also the airliner that crashed about a week after the WTC, and some guy in Florida flew a light plane into a building. The anthrax attacks were never tracked down or explained, and I've heard references to numerous foiled attempts.

143 posted on 04/04/2006 12:17:17 PM PDT by Richard Kimball (I like to make everyone's day a little more surreal)
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To: ovrtaxt

Thanks for the ping.

144 posted on 04/04/2006 12:18:28 PM PDT by auboy
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To: ravingnutter

I won't be back on this thread until late tonight; but try doing some searches on those documents with Operation Greenquest and see if any connections came from the raid on SAAR.

145 posted on 04/04/2006 1:42:34 PM PDT by Calpernia (
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To: Calpernia
I had forgotten about this:

September 2002: Customs Intercepts Associated Press Package. The Customs Service intercepts a package sent via Federal Express from the Associated Press bureau in Manila to the AP office in Washington, and turns the contents over to the FBI. The FBI keeps the material, all unclassified and previously publicly disclosed, and fails to inform AP about this. It is claimed they do so to prevent the reporters from reporting their story, which is about government foreknowledge of the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, and ties with Ramzi Yousef and other Islamic militants in the Philippines. [Associated Press, 4/12/2003]

Cooperative Research

Found this interesting too:

Dr. al Barzinji is a defendant in a massive, several-hundred-plaintiff civil suit against the planners and financial supporters of the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon. The affidavit in that case, clocking in at 259 pages, alleges that al Barzinji is, among other things, an officer of the SAAR Foundation, a Saudi-financed "charity" that "financially supports terrorism." The foundation is composed, the affidavit goes on, of "more than one hundred affiliated organizations registered or doing business at just one of SAAR's addresses in Herndon, Virginia." In 1998 SAAR reported $1.7 billion in revenues, the largest charitable take in history--most of which funds were subsequently diverted to Islamic fundamentalist organizations. "People associated with the SAAR Foundation and its network are also implicated in . . . the United States Embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania," the affidavit explains.

And Mar-Jac Poultry, it turns out, and its holding company, Mar-Jac Investments, are wholly owned subsidiaries of the SAAR Foundation. On March 20, 2002, the company's offices, along with the homes of al Barzinji and others, were raided by a federal task force investigating terrorist finances, Operation Greenquest. Al Barzinji is named in the warrant authorizing the search as an "officer or director" of the SAAR Foundation, "controlled by individuals who have shown support for terrorists or terrorist fronts."

Asked about his association with one terrorist, Safavian let slip to the Senate his association with a target in an ongoing criminal investigation. Not smooth. If anyone noticed, however, they gave no clue.

In retrospect, of course, Safavian's choice of clientele--he also registered as a lobbyist for the government of Pakistan, the government of Gabon, and Pascal Lissouba, the corrupt former president of the Republic of the Congo--is unsurprising, and more than a little telling.

Weekly Standard

{Sniff, sniff, sniff...}I smell Joseph Wilson too:

Wilson (as Ambassador to Gabon) had/has connections to the Gabon Chief of State, Omar Bongo, who was the chief African ally of the French oil company TotalFinaElf, a major beneficiary of the Oil-for-Food bribes. Prior to the Iraq War, they had a contract with Saddam's regime worth an estimated 12.5 to 27.0 billion barrels of oil reserves. Also he had connections via the Middle East Institute and Rock Creek, both of which are Saudi controlled.

Wilson's wife Jacqueline was also apparently a lobbyist for Bongo and it seems Wilson was pretty chummy with Saddam's weapons buyer, having dinner with him on the eve that Kuwait was invaded in 1990. She is now an advisor to Bongo, her picture from a 2005 conference can be found here

146 posted on 04/04/2006 2:21:51 PM PDT by ravingnutter
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To: Calpernia
From a blog, the raid led to other companies:

It isn't just the military at Guantanamo that has been infiltrated. It is much bigger than that. The Washington Post story about the Saudi "charities" here in Northern Virginia (first spotted it on Instapundit) made me take a few quick tours of the web. First of all, the addresses of these places from Mapquest (address not actually given in the post article, but easy enough to find). The Safa and SAAR office is less than 7 miles from where I am now sitting. Also among the organizations targeted are the Sterling Management Group, which apparently does a lot of things. Among those things is investments. Looks like they created funds to invest and make money. Could be legit business or money laundering or trying to make money for terrorists. Who knows? At any rate, one of the investments is in Lynuxworks. It appears that it must just be an investment, as there are no Sterling Management people on the board or in the management of Lynuxworks. Which is good, because look at the business Lynuxworks touts - Homeland Security and Defense applications.

That might actually be news. Glenn wrote, "The big news isn't that Saudis are funding terror, which has been obvious for a long time. It's that here -- and with the FBI story from yesterday -- the U.S. government is admitting it." Not exactly - all of these organizations had been targeted by Operation Greenquest in early 2002. This seems to be the results of Greenquest. Another Greenquest target was Ptech, a company raided by the FBI last December. On the board of Ptech was the CEO of Sterling Management Group. I don't think the story is that the government is just admitting it - I think the story is the scope. This could be huge.


One of your previous posts (#14) came up in my search too. I too have to run for the evening, I have to go feed the pig...ummm...I mean, my husband ; )

147 posted on 04/04/2006 2:35:27 PM PDT by ravingnutter
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To: Calpernia


148 posted on 04/05/2006 8:08:07 AM PDT by Peach
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To: jpl

9/11 Hijacker sought treatment for red hands (anthrax).
October 11, 2001. Palm Beach Post.

Tabloid Editor rented apartment to two 9/11 hijackers. The tabloid lost a worker to anthrax.
October 15, 2001. Miami Herald.

Hijackers linked to anthrax.
October 15, 2001. St. Petersburg Times.

9/11 Hijackers treated for anthrax.
March 23, 2002. The New York Times.

Remember Anthrax?
April 20, 2002. The Weekly Standard.
9/24/01. ABC.

Hijacker treated for anthrax.
May 9, 2002. The Wall Street Journal.

Atta tried to buy a cropduster.
June 6, 2002. ABC.

Analysis of anthrax letters.
June 19, 2002. Instapundit.

Freeper My Identity research on anthrax letters. Post #44.

The silica used in the anthrax attacks traced to Iraq.
October 28, 2002. The Washington Post.

Freeper Backhoe's list of links.
February 2, 2003

Freeper polemikos list of links to investigations regarding anthrax.
December 26, 2003.

Evidence Iraq behind anthrax attacks.
January 1, 2004. Accuracy in Media

Saddam behind anthrax attacks and 9/11 attacks.
Independent website.

9/11 hijacker Mohammed Atta stayed at the same motel as the Oklahoma City Bombers.

149 posted on 04/05/2006 8:10:17 AM PDT by Peach
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JAYNA DAVIS on OKC: New email story from her; see her 8-minute video report with witnesses

150 posted on 04/05/2006 11:35:23 AM PDT by Calpernia (
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