Skip to comments.Kennedy’s Comrade: Hunting a KGB Mole in the Democratic Party
Posted on 10/23/2006 2:07:13 PM PDT by Fedora
Kennedys Comrade: Hunting a KGB Mole in the Democratic Party
With thanks to those who helped
In 1999, espionage author Christopher Andrew revealed that Soviet archives smuggled by defector Vasili Mitrokhin described an unnamed KGB agent recruited from California Democratic Party circles in the 1970s:
Though [Gus] Hall tended to overstate the influence of undeclared members of the CPUSA within the Democratic Party, there was at least one to whom the [KGBs] Centre attached real importance during the 1970s: a Democratic activist in California recruited as a KGB agent during a visit to Russia. The agent, who is not identified by name in the reports noted by Mitrokhin, had a wide circle of influential contacts in the Democratic Party: among them Governor Jerry Brown of California, Senator Alan Cranston, Senator Eugene McCarthy, Senator Edward Kennedy, Senator Abraham Ribicoff, Senator J. William Fulbright and Congressman John Conyers, Jr. During the 1976 Presidential campaign the agent was able to provide inside information from within the Carter camp and a profile of Carter himself, which were particularly highly valued by the Centre since it had so few high-level American sources. On one occasion he spent three hours discussing the progress of the campaign at a meeting with Carter, Brown and Cranston in Carter's room at the Pacific Hotel. His report was forwarded to the Politburo. During the final stages of the campaign the agent had what the KGB claimed were 'direct and prolonged conversations' with Carter, Governor Brown and Senators Cranston, Kennedy, Ribicoff and Jacob Javits. Andropov attached such importance to the report on these conversations that he forwarded it under his signature to the Politburo immediately after Carter's election. . .Mitrokhin had access only to reports in FCD files based on intelligence provided by the agent, not to the agent's file itself--probably because he had been recruited by the Second (rather than the First) Chief Directorate during a visit to the Soviet Union. Within the United States he seems to have been run from the San Francisco residency.1
Following publication of Andrews book, I began trying to identify this individual. I worked from the clues provided in Andrews summary as quoted above. Unfortunately, Andrew did not include the original Russian text of the document in his book, nor have I yet been able to find it among the original documents he has reproduced in his other published work, so I should emphasize that here I am working from Andrews English summary of a Russian original document, not from the original document itself. Due to this, I have unanswered questions about how to interpret the significance of certain phrases mentioned above, such as the characterization of the agent as a Democratic activist. Hopefully the original document will be made available in the future and will shed light on these details. But in any case, here is what I have been able to find by following up on the clues Andrew has provided so far.
In the process of trying to collect details on the Pacific Hotel meeting with Jimmy Carter, Jerry Brown, and Alan Cranston, I learned that Los Angeles Times reporter Tyler Marshall had questioned Cranston about the meeting without success:
Asked about the account Thursday, Cranston said he was unaware whom the Soviet mole might be.
"I have no idea who this guy is," Cranston said. The former senator said that he recalled a Carter campaign event at the Pacific Hotel but remembered no meeting between the three Democrats as described by Mitrokhin.
"It's not logical such a meeting would have occurred," Cranston said. "I don't believe it happened. Sounds like this agent [was] trying to build up his own reputation."2
Jamie Dettmer also questioned Cranston, as well as Jerry Brown and Jimmy Carter, with similar results. As Dettmer reported on an intelligence community discussion forum:
I talked to Cranston and Brown and Carter about the 1970s spy--all recalled the meeting but not who was in the room. We also tried the hotel but their records did not go back that far. We also tried the Carter library but they could not help either.3
A participant in the same thread as Dettmers post suggested that the suspect profile fit Tom Hayden.4 This sounded like a guess worth pursuingHayden certainly fit the description of a Democratic activist in California, and he had frequently associated with Communist front groups and toured Communist countries. But I wanted confirmation, so I began checking into Hayden and Carters known movements to determine whether there was any convergence with the other details given in the KGB archives. A research assistant helped me dig up any pertinent information on Carters visits to California during the 1976 Presidential campaign.
We soon determined that on Sunday, August 22 and Monday, August 23, 1976, Carter met with Cranston and the campaign steering committee of the Democratic National Committee at the Pacifica Hotel, also known as the Radisson Los Angeles Airport Hotel of the Pacifica Host Hotels chain. In the process we discovered there was another individual present during Carters visit who seemed to fit the suspects profile better than Tom Hayden:
The Los Angeles Times gave a detailed summary of Carters visit and itinerary on August 23, 1976:
Jimmy Carter arrived in Los Angeles Sunday evening to begin a three-day West Coast trip. . .
From the airport, Carter motored to the Pacifica Hotel, where he was greeted by Sens. Alan Cranston and John V. Tunney and Mayor Bradley at a reception held under the auspices of the Democratic National Committee. . .
Inside, Carter gave a brief speech. . .
After the reception at the hotel, the former Americana Hotel in Culver City, Carter, Carter drove to the home of Lew Wasserman, Music Corp. of America chairman. . .
Brown was among the guests at the Wasserman dinner. Others included Sens. Cranston and Tunney, Rep. James C. Corman of Van Nuys, labor lawyer Sidney Korshak, producer Norman Lear, Occidental Oil head Armand Hammer, David Begelman, president of Columbia Pictures, Barry Diller, chairman of the board of Paramount Pictures, and Robert Prescott, board chairman of Flying Tiger Airlines.
Political figures attending from out of state included Democratic National Chairman Robert S. Strauss and Rep. Andrew Young of Georgia.
After the Wasserman dinner, Carter went to the Beverly Wilshire, where he was the guest of honor at a reception given by actor Warren Beatty. . .
From Los Angeles, Carter flies today to San Francisco and then tonight to Seattle. . .
Carters Los Angeles schedule. . .allows for no direct contact by the Georgian with substantial segments of this areas electorate. . .
Instead, the Carter schedule calls for attending functions associated with a second meeting of the campaign steering committee of the Democratic National Committee at the Pacifica Hotel. The steering committee plans a number of meetings around the country.
In addition to speaking at Town Hall this noon, Carter plans to make an appearance this afternoon before the Watts Labor Community Action Council in the heart of the black community, and he will be interviewed for an hour at The Times.
His California itinerary will continue to be rather limited when he goes to San Francisco, where his only schedule event is a Democratic National Committee fundraiser at the Fairmont Hotel. . .5
Among the names mentioned in this Los Angeles Times article, several stand out for known Soviet intelligence associations, and one in particular emerges as a most likely suspect for the Carter campaigns KGB mole.
Armand Hammers work for Soviet intelligence is well known.6 However there is no indication in the Los Angeles Times article or other sources of Hammer going back to the Pacifica with Carter after the Wasserman dinner. Nor was Hammer especially close to the other individuals described as being within the KGB agents circle of contacts. While we did not rule Hammer out absolutely due to a lack of exhaustive information, he did not seem to be the best match for the suspect profile.
Andrew Young is known to have been under the influence of Communist Party operative Jack Hunter Pitts ODell.7 However researchers considering Young as a suspect have pointed out that in the same passage where Christopher Andrew discusses the Carter campaigns KGB mole, he mentions that the KGB met obstacles when attempting to recruit Young.8 This alone does not necessarily exclude Young from consideration, but when other details are considered, a better suspect emerges.
That individual is a known KGB asset mentioned in the Los Angeles Times article: California Senator John Tunney.
Tunneys relationship with the KGB was first revealed in 1992 after Soviet archives came into Western possession, and has recently received renewed publicity from reviews of Paul Kengors 2006 book The Crusader9 The documents publicized in 1992 and 2006 focused on Tunneys mediation between Soviet officials and Ted Kennedy from 1978 to 1983. But Tunney also seems to be the best fit for the profile of the unnamed agent the KGB had placed in Jimmy Carters circles during the 1976 Presidential campaign.
Like the unnamed agent, Tunney had been in the Soviet Union. His business trips there after 1978 are easily documented from the public record. I found it more difficult to determine exactly when he first visited the USSR, but it was apparently before October 1974. At that time his soon-to-be-ex-wife Mieke wrote an article for Ladies Home Journal describing her relationship with Senator Edward Kennedys husband Joan, whom she had known since 1958 when their future husbands were attending law school together.10 Mieke mentioned days in Moscow with Joan during the past 16 years:
Both Joan and I take great pride in looking well. . .Our faces have a few more wrinkles despite the creams that we faithfully apply, but if one were to ask us to give back any of those 16 years, the stimulating yet hectic life, the action-packed days in Boston or Washington or Moscow, the answer would be never.11
When were Mieke Tunney and Joan Kennedy in Moscow between 1958 and 1974? In the wake of detente, a number of groups of Senators and Congressmen travelled to the Soviet Union between 1972 and 1974.12 Senator Kennedy made his first trip to the USSR from April 18 through 25, 1974, visiting Moscow before going on to sightseeing in Tbilisi and Leningrad. News coverage and Kennedy biographies mention that the Senator travelled with Joan and their children Kara and Ted, Jr. While in Moscow the Senator met briefly with what news accounts describe as American residents in Moscow. In Tbilisi Kennedy spoke at the Dartmouth Conference, an annual Soviet-American business conference, which was attended by other Americans including Chase Manhattan Bank president David Rockefeller and Senators Hugh Scott and William Roth. The Senator also met with the Soviet USA Institute, headed by Dartmouth Conference attendee Georgi Arbatov.13 I did not find any direct references to the Tunneys being present on these occasions. But I did find references to the Tunneys vacationing with the Kennedys several times during 1972-1974, when both Senators were having marital difficulties and Tunneys son Teddy was helping Ted Kennedy, Jr. work through chemotherapy for bone cancer.14 In July 1974, the Kennedy and Tunney families were reported vacationing together in Ireland.15 So it seems plausible that Mieke Tunneys reference to days in Moscow may be alluding to the Kennedys 1974 visit to Moscow. Hopefully further research will uncover additional information.
It proved easier to find confirmation that Tunney fit some of the other items in the unnamed agents profile remarkably well. His circle of contacts coincided significantly with those attributed to the agent: Governor Jerry Brown of California, Senator Alan Cranston, Senator Eugene McCarthy, Senator Edward Kennedy, Senator Abraham Ribicoff, Senator J. William Fulbright and Congressman John Conyers, Jr.
Tunneys political contacts stemmed partly from his close relationship with Senator Kennedy. Tunney had been Kennedys college roommate in law school and was an usher at Kennedys wedding to Joan. Joan Kennedy and Mieke Tunney became best friends over the course of the 1960s. Meanwhile their husbands travelled together and were frequently seen together in extramarital couplings with other women.16 In addition to such social contact, Kennedy and Tunney worked together politically. For instance, while Tunney was still a Congressman in 1966, he and Kennedy and their wives travelled to the Middle East on a fact-finding trip to develop an Arab-Israeli peace plan.17 Also in 1966, Joan Kennedy and her sister Candy travelled to California to stump for the re-election of Tunney and Governor Pat Brown.18 Tunney helped Jess Unruh organize Robert Kennedys Presidential campaign in California in 1968,19 and early that same year Tunney and Edward Kennedy both made fact-finding trips to Vietnam.20 After Tunney was elected Senator in 1970, he and Kennedy served on the Senate Judiciary Committee together.21 They joined forces against the Nixon administration and California Governor Ed Reinecke during the Watergate investigation.22 In late 1974 and early 1975 they joined Senators Alan Cranston and Dick Clark in leading a drive to sever US aid to anti-Communist forces in Angola.23
Tunneys close relationship with Kennedy placed him in Kennedys circle of contacts, intersecting with at least three of the other politicians from the unnamed KGB agents list of contacts: Senators Abraham Ribicoff and Jacob Javits and Congressman John Conyers, Jr.
Ribicoff, a friend of the Kennedy family since 1949, had been John Kennedys campaign adviser and first cabinet appointee.24 As a Senator he and his close colleague Jacob Javits had worked with Robert Kennedy on the Subcommittee on Executive Reorganization of the Senate Committee on Government Operations.25 Following Robert Kennedys assassination, Ribicoff had supported antiwar candidate George McGoverns Presidential aspirations in 1968 and 1972.26 Edward Kennedy joined him in supporting McGovern in the 1972 campaign, and both Kennedy and Ribicoff were considered as running mates for McGovern.27 At the time of Kennedys April 1974 trip to the USSR he was cosponsoring a major piece of legislation being promoted by Ribicoff in conjunction with Senator Javits and Senator Henry Jackson, the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.28 In support of this legislation and related legislation, Tunneys aide Mel Levine worked in coordination with Jacksons aide Richard Perle, Javits aide Albert Lakeland, and Ribicoffs aide Morris Amitay.29
John Conyers, Jr. served on the House Judiciary Committee while Tunney was on the Senate Judiciary Committee. Tunney and his committee listened to a statement Conyers gave opposing the Supreme Court nomination of Lewis Powell.30 Tunney also supported the efforts of Conyers and his Democratic colleagues on the House Judiciary Committee to impeach Richard Nixon, an effort in which Senator Kennedy played a large behind-the-scenes role.31
As a Democratic Senator from California, Tunney also worked closely with two of the unnamed KGB agents other contacts: Senator Cranston and Governor Brown. Cranston, who was Tunneys senior as California Senator, was quoted in a 1971 article describing the growth of his relationship with Tunney, and in 1974-1975 he supported Tunneys efforts to cut off US aid to Angola.32 At the 1976 Democratic National Convention, where Jerry Brown was one of Carters leading rivals, Tunney and Cranston attended a private unity meeting between Browns camp and the Carter camp.33 Carters California campaign was aided by Brown, Cranston, Tunney, and Democratic State Chairman Charles Manatt, who had guided Tunneys 1970 Senate campaign and later became Tunneys law partner when the former Senator joined the firm of Manatt, Phelps, Rothenberg & Tunney (now Manatt, Phelps & Phillips).34
In addition to being present during Carters Los Angeles visit on August 22, 1976, Tunney also had good opportunity for the later contact with Carter and his supporters attributed to the unnamed KGB agent: During the final stages of the campaign the agent had what the KGB claimed were 'direct and prolonged conversations' with Carter, Governor Brown and Senators Cranston, Kennedy, Ribicoff and Jacob Javits.
Carter visited California three times during the later stages of his campaign. Following his first debate with President Ford, he spent the weekend of September 24-26, 1976 in Southern California, making an appearance at the San Diego Zoo and at an Orange County barbecue and in the process appearing publicly with Governor Brown and Senators Cranston and Tunney.35 Carter was in San Francisco for his second debate with Ford from October 4 through October 7.36 Carter made a final campaign swing through California over the weekend of October 29 through November 1, during which he joined a San Francisco telecast featuring Tunney and other Democratic candidates on Halloween, spent that evening and the next morning in Sacramento at the El Mirador Hotel with Governor Brown, and attended a Los Angeles lunch rally with Brown, Tunney, and Cranston on November 1.37
Tunney could have spoken with his best friend Kennedy at any time during this period. Kennedy had especially close access to Carter when Carter stopped in Boston on September 31 and met with Kennedy and other Democratic state leaders.38 Carter was also present at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York on October 21 for the annual dinner of the Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation, which was attended by prominent members of both parties.39 I am still trying to determine whether Tunney had any documented contact with Ribicoff or Javits during the final stages of the Carter campaign.
If Tunney was the unnamed KGB agent, what are the implications for history? If Tunney had already been recruited by the KGB before his 1976 Senate campaign, it could shed significant light on his activity during the Nixon-Ford administration. The precise date of the unnamed agents recruitment is unclear from Andrews summary, but his account makes it sound as if the agent had already been recruited during a visit to Russia sometime prior to the 1976 Presidential campaign. As mentioned above, Senator Kennedy had visited Russia in April 1974, and Mieke Tunney recorded reminiscences of days in Moscow with Joan Kennedy in an October 1974 article. During this period, as Kennedy sized up his odds in the next Presidential election and Tunney prepared to run for re-election to the Senate, both men were actively involved in promoting the Watergate prosecution.40 In late 1974, Tunney initiated the Congressional antiwar blocs effort to cut off US aid to Angola. Soviet archives record the KGBs enthusiastic reviews of New York Times coverage of Congress attack on President Fords Angola policy.41
While Tunneys relationship to the KGB before the 1976 election remains only a hypothesis supported by circumstantial evidence, there is more direct evidence available after the 1976 election, when Tunney joined the law firm of his friend Charles Manatt, who would serve as the Democratic National Committee Chairman from 1981 to 1985. Soviet archives indicate that another firm Tunney was linked to, Agritech, had a relationship to a French-American company called Finatech, which was run by David Karra KGB agent associated with Armand Hammerand served as an intermediary between the KGB and Ted Kennedy between 1978 and 1980. KBG reports also mention Tunney carrying messages between Kennedy and Moscow in 1983. As summarized by Herbert Romerstein:
One of the documents, a KGB report to bosses in the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee, revealed that "In 1978, American Sen. Edward Kennedy requested the assistance of the KGB to establish a relationship" between the Soviet apparatus and a firm owned by former Sen. John Tunney (D.-Calif.). KGB recommended that they be permitted to do this because Tunney's firm was already connected with a KGB agent in France named David Karr. This document was found by the knowledgeable Russian journalist Yevgenia Albats and published in Moscow's Izvestia in June 1992.
Another KGB report to their bosses revealed that on March 5, 1980, John Tunney met with the KGB in Moscow on behalf of Sen. Kennedy. Tunney expressed Kennedy's opinion that "nonsense about 'the Soviet military threat' and Soviet ambitions for military expansion in the Persian Gulf. . .was being fueled by [President Jimmy] Carter, [National Security Advisor Zbigniew] Brzezinski, the Pentagon and the military industrial complex.". . .
In May 1983, the KGB again reported to their bosses on a discussion in Moscow with former Sen. John Tunney. Kennedy had instructed Tunney, according to the KGB, to carry a message to Yuri Andropov, the General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, expressing Kennedy's concern about the anti-Soviet activities of President Ronald Reagan. The KGB reported "in Kennedy's opinion the opposition to Reagan remains weak. Speeches of the President's opponents are not well-coordinated and not effective enough, and Reagan has the chance to use successful counterpropaganda." Kennedy offered to "undertake some additional steps to counter the militaristic, policy of Reagan and his campaign of psychological pressure on the American population." Kennedy asked for a meeting with Andropov for the purpose of "arming himself with the Soviet leader's explanations of arms control policy so he can use them later for more convincing speeches in the U.S." He also offered to help get Soviet views on the major U.S. networks and suggested inviting "Elton Rule, ABC chairman of the board, or observers Walter Cronkite or Barbara Walters to Moscow."
Tunney also told the KGB that Kennedy was planning to run for President in the 1988 elections. "At that time, he will be 56 years old, and personal problems that have weakened his position will have been resolved [Kennedy quietly settled a divorce suit and soon plans to remarry]." Of course the Russians understood his problem with Chappaquiddick. While Kennedy did not intend to run in 1984, he did not exclude the possibility that the Democratic Party would draft him because "not a single one of the current Democratic hopefuls has a real chance of beating Reagan."
This document was first discovered in the Soviet archives by London Times reporter Tim Sebastian and a report on it was published in that newspaper in February 1992.42
So from 1978 to 1983, there is direct evidence from Soviet archives that Tunney was acting as a middleman between Senator Kennedy and the Soviet Union. Circumstantial evidence indicates that Tunney may have begun playing this role as early as 1974-1976.
Tunneys role as courier to the Soviets was not limited to delivering messages from Kennedy. A review of Paul Kengors Crusader adds:
At one point after President Reagan left office, Tunney acknowledged that he had played the role of intermediary, not only for Kennedy but for other U.S. senators, Kengor said. Moreover, Tunney told the London Times that he had made 15 separate trips to Moscow.
"There's a lot more to be found here," Kengor told Cybercast News Service. "This was a shocking revelation."43
There is indeed a lot more to be foundor from the perspective of some, perhaps, a lot more to be covered up.
1Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, New York: Basic Books, 1999, 290-291, 627n84, citing "[Mitrokhin archives] vol. 6, app. 1, part 4; t-3,76.
2Tyler Marshall, California and the West; KGB Records Reveal California Espionage; Intelligence: Unidentified man described as a Democratic Party activist informed Soviets about meeting with then-Sen. Cranston and presidential candidate Jimmy Carter, papers show., Los Angeles Times, September 24, 1999, 3.
3Jamie Dettmer, Re: Who Was That Spy?, Intelligence Forum, June 26, 2000, http://archives.his.com/intelforum/2000-June/msg00328.html
4John Young, Re: Who Was That Spy?, Intelligence Forum, June 25, 2000, http://archives.his.com/intelforum/2000-June/msg00327.html
5Kenneth Reich, Carter in L.A., Approves Fords Action in Korea, Los Angeles Times, August 23, 1976, B1. For other accounts of Carters trip, see Jules Witcover, Marathon: The Pursuit of the Presidency, 1972-1976, New York Viking press, 1977, 521, 525-526; Patrick Anderson, Electing Jimmy Carter: The Campaign of 1976, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994, 89-99.
6Joseph Finder, Red Carpet, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1983; Steve Weinberg, Armand Hammer: The Untold Story, Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1989; Harvey Klehr, John Earl Haynes, and Fridrikh Igorevich Firsov, The Secret World of American Communism, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995, 26-30; Harvey Klehr, John Haynes, and Kyrill M. Anderson, The Soviet World of American Communism, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998; Edward Jay Epstein, Dossier: The Secret History of Armand Hammer, New York: Random House, 1996.
7Kenneth R. Timmerman, Shakedown: Exposing the Real Jesse Jackson, Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2002, 108, 110.
8Andrew and Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield, 290; Gary Kern, Who Was That Spy?, Intelligence Forum, June 25, 2000, http://archives.his.com/intelforum/2000-June/msg00326.html
9Tim Sebastian, Dialogue with the Kremlin, The Sunday Times, February 2, 1992; Yevgenia Albats, Senator Edward Kennedy Requested KGB Assistance With a Profitable Contract for his Businessman-Friend, Izvestia, June 24, 1992, 5; Paul Kengor, The Crusader: Ronald Reagan and the Fall of Communism, New York: HarperCollins, 2006.
10Mieke Tunney, My Friend, Joan Kennedy, Ladies Home Journal, October 1974; Lester David Joan: The Reluctant Kennedy: A Biographical Profile, New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1974, 121-122.
12Murray Seeger, Humphrey Warns Russ of Diploma Tax Danger: Emphasizes That Democratic Congress Will Decide Its Own East-West Policies, Los Angeles Times, December 2, 1972, 14; Murray Seeger, Brezhnev Talks Trade With 7 U. S. Senators: Soviet Emphasis on Legislation, Los Angeles Times, April 24, 1973, 4.
13Kennedy, in Moscow, Backs Visit by Nixon: Impeachment Moves Should Not Keep the President Home, Democratic Senator Says, Los Angeles Times, April 19, 1974, A4; Murray Seeger, Kennedy-Brezhnev Talk Indicates Russ Are Looking Beyond Nixon, Los Angeles Times, April 23, 1974, 7; Crowds of Smiling Georgians Give Kennedy Warm Greeting, Los Angeles Times, April 23, 1974, 2; ;Peasants Love Them: Kennedys Make Hit in Soviet Georgia, Los Angeles Times, April 24, 1974, A4; Murray Seeger, A Red Carpet for Sen. Kennedy: Kremlin Opens Its Gates to Kennedy, Los Angeles Times, April 28, 1974, F1; People, TIME, May 6, 1974; Bill Adler, The Kennedy Children: Triumphs & Tragedies, New York: Franklin Watts, 1980, 266.
14David, 225, 240; Adler, 266; Richard E. Burke, The Senator: My Ten Years With Senator Ted Kennedy, with William and Marilyn Hoffer, New York: St. Martins Press, 1992, 52, 67-71.
15Kara Kennedy/Foot Injury, ABC Evening News, July 10, 1974; Kara Kennedy/Foot Injury, CBS Evening News, July 10, 1974; Adler, 266; GAA Club to benefit from draw, Western People, August 4, 2004, http://www.westernpeople.ie/community/story.asp?j=20861
16David, 50, 121-122, 137-138, 225-228, 240; Tunney; Joe McGinniss, The Last Brother, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993, 560; Burke, 67-71.
17Jerusalem Post, December 2, 1966, 8; Allan Kellum, The Presidential Candidates: How They View the Middle East, The Link, Volume 13, Issue 1, January-February 1980; George Weller, Dateline: Palestine, The Link, Volume 21, Issue 2, June-July 1988.
19Francis M. Carney, interview, July 20, 1998, online at Oral History: University of California, Riverside http://www.ucrhistory.ucr.edu/ ; Ronald Loveridge, interview, August 5, 1998, online at Oral History: University of California, http://www.ucrhistory.ucr.edu/pdf/loveridge.pdf ; Lawrence F. OBrien, interview with Michael L. Gillette, July 21, 1987, online at Lyndon Baines Johnson Library Oral History Collection, http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/archives.hom/oralhistory.hom/obrienl/OBRIEN23.PDF
20United States Congress, 91st Congress, 1st Session. House Report No. 91-25: Measuring Hamlet Security in Vietnam: Report of a Special Study Mission by Honorable John V. Tunney (California) of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Pursuant to the Provisions of H. Res. 179, 90th Congress, A Resolution Authorizing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to Conduct Thorough Studies and Investigation of All Matters Coming Within the Jurisdiction of Such Committee. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969; Harvey Meyerson, Vinh Long, with Introduction by Congressman John Tunney, illustrated with maps by Adam Nakamura, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1970; Don Luce and John Sommer, Viet Nam: The Unheard Voices, Foreword by Senator Edward Kennedy, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1969; "Edward M. Kennedy", Encyclopedia of World Biography, 2nd Edition, 17 Volumes., Gale Research, 1998, reproduced in Biography Resource Center. Farmington Hills, Michigan: Thomson Gale, 2006, http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/BioRC
21Committee on the Judiciary, http://a255.g.akamaitech.net/7/255/2422/06sep20050947/www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/senate/judiciary/sh92-69-267/members.pdf , Committee on the Judiciary, http://a255.g.akamaitech.net/7/255/2422/26sep20051515/www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/senate/judiciary/sh94-63774/members.pdf ; U.S. National Archives and Records Administration: Legislative Branch: The Center for Legislative Archives, Guide to the Records of the U.S. Senate at the National Archives (Record Group 46): Chapter 13. Records of the Committee on the Judiciary and Related Committees, 1816-1968: Records of Subcommittees: Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights, online at http://www.archives.gov/legislative/guide/senate/chapter-13-judiciary-1947-1968.html
22Abuse of Governmental Power Segments, Nixon White House Tapes, Conversation Numbers 22-84, 22-93, 23-8, 711-14, 712-6, 23-30, and 331-16, April 5-18, 1972, online at http://nixon.archives.gov/find/tapes/watergate/aogp/april_1972.pdf ; Gray Nom., ABC Evening News, March 1, 1973; Gray/Watergate Case, CBS Evening News, March 9, 1973; The Fight Over the Future of the FBI, TIME, March 26, 1973; Watergate Case, ABC Evening News, May 15, 1973; Watergate/Elliott Richardson, ABC Evening News, May 22, 1973; Senate Probe/Cox Removal/Nixon Impeachment, CBS Evening News, October 22, 1973;Reinecke Arraigned, ABC Evening News, April 10, 1974; Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-Third Congress, Second Session, Pursuant to H. Res. 803, A Resolution Authorizing and Directing the Committee on the Judiciary to Investigate Whether Sufficient Grounds Exist for the House of Representatives to Exercise Its Constitutional Power to Impeach Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States of America, Presidential Statements on the Watergate Break-In and Its Investigation, May-June 1974Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974, Appendix I, online at http://watergate.info/judiciary/APPI.PDF
23Joshua Murvachik, Kennedys Foreign Policy: What the Record Shows, Commentary, Volume 68, Number 6, December 1979.
24The Campaign and the Candidates, NBC News, October 29, 1960; "Abraham (Alexander) Ribicoff", Contemporary Authors Online, Gale, 2006, reproduced in Biography Resource Center, Farmington Hills, Michigan: Thomson Gale, 2006, http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/BioRC ; "Abraham Alexander Ribicoff, The Scribner Encyclopedia of American Lives, Volume 5: 1997-1999, Charles Scribner's Sons, 2002, reproduced in Biography Resource Center, Farmington Hills, Michigan: Thomson Gale, 2006, http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/BioRC ; Biographies and Profiles: Abraham Ribicoff, John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum, http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Biographies+and+Profiles/Profiles/Abraham+Ribicoff.htm
25Rufus King, The Drug Hang Up: Americas Fifty-Year Folly, Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, 1972, Chapter 27, online at http://www.druglibrary.org/special/king/dhu/dhu27.htm
26Convention Activities/Daley, NBC Evening News, August 29, 1968.
27Campaign `72/Vice President Offers--Ribicoff, Kennedy, ABC Evening News, July 13, 1972.
28Arlene Lazarowitz, Senator Jacob K. Javits and Soviet Jewish Emigration, Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies, Volume 21, Number 4, Summer 2003, 19-31; Murray Seeger, Kennedy-Brezhnev Talk Indicates Russ Are Looking Beyond Nixon, Los Angeles Times, April 23, 1974, 7.
29Stephen D. Isaacs, Jews and American Politics, Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1974, 255.
30John Conyers to United States Senate, November 9, 1971, from United States Senate, Nominations of William H. Rehnquist and Lewis F. Powell, Jr.: Hearings before the Committee on the Judiciary. United States Senate. November 3, 4, 8, 9 and 10, 1971., online at http://www.20thcenturyrolemodels.org/powell/LP%20Judging%20History.pdf
31Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-Third Congress, Second Session, Pursuant to H. Res. 803, A Resolution Authorizing and Directing the Committee on the Judiciary to Investigate Whether Sufficient Grounds Exist for the House of Representatives to Exercise Its Constitutional Power to Impeach Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States of America, Presidential Statements on the Watergate Break-In and Its Investigation, May-June 1974Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974, Appendix I, online at http://watergate.info/judiciary/APPI.PDF
32Charles Powers, Warming Up for the Big Time: Can John Tunney Make It As a Heavyweight?, West, December 12, 1971; Carl Gershman and Bayard Rustin, Africa, Soviet Imperialism & The Retreat of American Power, Commentary, Volume 64, Number 4, October 1977; Murvachik; K.C. Johnson, Clark Amendment, http://academic.brooklyn.cuny.edu/history/johnson/clark.htm
33Carter Goes to See Brown--Asks His Help in Fall: Californians Join Candidate in Unity Session, Los Angeles Times, July 15, 1976, 2.
34Jack Jones, Thousands Hear Carter at Last-Day Rally in L.A., Los Angeles Times, November 1, 1976, A1. On Manatt and Tunney, see e.g. David Watson, Davis Names Pines, Five Others to Los Angeles Superior Court: Governor Also Appoints 10 to Other Courts, Leaving Only a Handful of Vacancies, Metropolitan News-Enterprise, November 13, 2003, http://www.metnews.com/articles/appt111303.htm; Mary Ellen Leary, The Democratic New Guard, The Nation, Volume 212, Issue 10, March 8, 1971, 302-305; Federal Election Commission to Terry D. Garcia, Federal Election Commission Advisory Opinion Number 1982-63, February 10, 1983, online at http://herndon1.sdrdc.com/ao/no/820063.html ; Decision 1984/California Primary, NBC Evening News, March 19, 1984; Irvin Molotsky and Warren Weaver, Jr., BRIEFING; Grassley and the Democrats, The New York Times, August 23, 1985.
35Carter To Bring Campaign To County Sept. 26, Los Angeles Times, September 16, 1976, OC1; Brown Campaigns for Ohioans, Plans to Assist Carter, Los Angeles Times, September 24, 1976, B29; Bud Lembke, Big-Name Politicians Flock to County, Los Angeles Times, September 27, 1976, OC1, 2 pages; Don Smith, Carter Brings Campaign to County Parade, Barbecue: Small Crowds Greet Carter, Los Angeles Times, September 27, 1976, OC1, 2 pages; Patrick Anderson, Electing Jimmy Carter, 116-117.
36Kenneth Reich, Carter Discusses Foreign Affairs With Schlesinger, Los Angeles Times, October 4, 1976, B6; Kenneth Reich, Carter in S.F., Vows to Debate Aggressively, Los Angeles Times, October 5, 1976, B6; Kenneth Reich, Carter Aides Assail Ford For His Remark On Poland, Los Angeles Times, October 7, 1976, B27; Kenneth Reich, State Democrats Buoyed By Carter California Tour, Los Angeles Times, October 9, 1976, A1, 2 pages.
37Carter to Tour State on Nov. 1, Los Angeles Times, October 16, 1976, A23; Ellen Hume, Buoyant Tunney Stumps With Children: Says Private Poll Gives Him 49%-41% Lead Over Hayakawa, Los Angeles Times; November 1, 1976, B3, 2 pages Carter Late, But Peep Show Livens Up Crowds Wait, Los Angeles Times, November 1, 1976, A1; Jack Jones, Thousands Hear Carter at Last-Day Rally in L.A., Los Angeles Times, November 1, 1976, A1; Bill Boyarsky, Ford, Carter Wind Up Race, Wait for Voting: Democrat's Hopes Buoyed by Rally in Downtown L.A., Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1976, B1, 3 pages; 12 Injured as Roof Collapses at Carter Rally, Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1976, B3; Bill Boyarsky, L.A. Rally Buoys Carter's Hopes: Crowd Enthusiastic Here on Campaign's Last Day, Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1976, A3; Weary Tunney Ends Campaign In Riverside, Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1976, B3.
38 Witcover, Marathon, 589-590; William Lasser, Carter attacks Ford on leadership issue, The Tech, Volume 96, Number 34, October 1, 1976, 1.
39Bill Boyarsky, Tradition Attracts Ford, Carter to Al Smith Fete, Los Angeles Times, October 22, 1976, A5, 2 pages.
40See Note 22.
41Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World, New York: Basic Books, 2005, 452-453.
42Herbert Romerstein, Ted Kennedy was a collaborationist, Human Events, December 8, 2003, online at http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3827/is_200312/ai_n9318614 On Karr, see John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999, 244-247.
43Kevin Mooney, KGB Letter Outlines Sen. Kennedy's Overtures to Soviets, Prof Says, CNSNews.com, http://www.cnsnews.com/ViewNation.asp?Page=/Nation/archive/200610/NAT20061020b.html , October 20, 2006.
So as well as being a drunk and an arrogant fool, Kennedy is a damned traitor. Why do the idiots in Massachusetts keep this guy in office.
"Tunney also told the KGB that Kennedy was planning to run for President in the 1988 elections."
Kennedy ran in 1980 and finished second to Carter, of all people. What made this arrogant fool think he was going to be elected President. Truly, the Kennedy family is like the Bonapartes of France. They think they are born to rule by virtue of their name.
IIRC, during the '76 campaign Carter used W. Averell Harriman as a back channel to the Soviets. I'd have to dig through my notes to find my references on that, but I believe it's discussed briefly in Rudy Abramson's Harriman biography.
"I don't really understand what would have led Teddy Kennedy to become a Communist patsy"
He's a dumb, arrogant b_st_rd. Just like his dad, Joe, who was a Nazi patsy.
Thanks for sharing your theory--hadn't heard that line of thought before. I will check into that.
enemies among us ping
Maybe it's NOT a guy. Perhaps it's Jodie Evans, Millionaire Marxist.
Thanks for all the time and effort you've put into this.
"Huh? Civil War period?"
Jack, most of the leadership of the Confederacy was made up of southern Democrats. The Democratic Party in New York was sympathetic to the South. See also the history of the "Copperheads", northern Democrats who the Confederates actually tried to recruit into some sort of a coup.
I think that was the gist of it, and the '68 election was a big part of the motivation. Robert had started to break with LBJ on Vietnam a couple years before that, but didn't really publicly commit himself to an antiwar stance until about the time he entered the '68 campaign, after he saw that Eugene McCarthy seemed to have a shot running on an antiwar ticket.
We will eventually come to an Indonesian solution of this problem...
Dellums was another one. But his involvement with CPUSA was pretty blatant and not much of a secret to the intelligence community, I think. The year he was elected he went to a World Peace Council function which was monitored by US intelligence and was noted in a Congressional report on the antiwar movement's CP/SWP ties c. 1970, IIRC.
Excellent work, Fedora.
For US Senators, there was an overt reason to go (in addition, there may have been covert reasons, of course).
But for a footloose college boy to be hosted behind the Iron Curtain, months after the tanks rolled into Prague, would have been very, very unusual.
There had to be more to the story.
Yes, footloose and broke too but he "somehow" went anyway.
it was more than one mole
Yes - exactly so.
Here's a timeline of 1968
You can almost make yourself believe that there was a concerted effort on the part of the USSR and their minions to change the world order in this year.
Riots in US after MLK assasinated
Riots in Chicago during DNC convention
Invasion of Czecho
Various other SDS shenanigans
I lived through 1968 (although only 12 years old). I was aware of all these events but probably not their global significance. Truly they were "Interesting Times". Not good.
I got a chance to look just now, and Abramson does discuss Harriman performing that function for Carter on pp. 688-691. There's another recent book on Carter that discusses this, but I don't recall the title offhand. I don't know if Carter used Tunney this way. Kennedy would've been aware Tunney was talking to the Soviets, but I don't know if he knew he was working for them. Kennedy and Tunney may well have been arrogant enough to think they were clever enough to play this game and use the Soviets instead of being used by them--I would not be surprised if they don't see themselves as traitors because in their eyes they're "above the law" that binds non-Kennedys.
Ann Coulter's excellent book "Treason" is a great place to start..."
Please ping me if you should discover anything enlightening on the subject.
Didn't Carter approach the Soviets during the 80 and 84 races to "warn" them about Reagan and to get "help" to defeat them? That would put it during the same campaign as the Kennedy - Tunney contact.
At present, Tunney is President of the Museum Board of Armand Hammer Museum of Art and Cultural Center at UCLA.
Yes, I'm pretty sure I remember reading about Carter doing that during the '80 election. I think he used a different intermediary than Tunney, though I don't remember who it was offhand.
Yes. Everything seems to revolve around Hammer.
Clinton's Early Dovecote Updated
Bill Clinton's draft record has dogged him since serious questions were first raised in the Wall Street Journal last February. After a hollow attempt (in the name of `full disclosure') by his friend and fellow Rhodes Scholar, Strobe Talbott, to put the charges to rest in the April issue of Time, a series of new revelations has raised more questions about Mr. Clinton's truthfulness in reporting his record.
But there is a more fundamental dimension of Mr. Clinton's anti-war activities during his Oxford days that neither he nor Mr. Talbott has yet addressed. This new information raises questions that are just as troubling as whether Mr. Clinton dodged the draft then and whether he is lying now.
To learn this story, we turn to the Rev. Richard McSorley, a Jesuit priest and professor of peace studies who has taught at Georgetown University since Bill Clinton's undergraduate days there. Father McSorley's memoir about his international travels with the pacifist movement, Peace eyes, was published in 1977 and is now out of print. Peace Eyes begins: `When I got off the train in Oslo, Norway, I met Bill Clinton of Georgetown University. He asked if he could go with me visiting peace people. We visited the Oslo Peace Institute, talked with conscientious objectors, with peace groups, and with university students. At the end of the day as Bill was preparing to leave, he commented, `This is a great way to see a country.' '
Father McSorley was so impressed with Bill Clinton that he wrote in his Foreword, `I thought at the time that this his [Mr. Clinton's] words summarized what I wanted to say in this book. To see a country with a peace focus, through the eyes of peace people is a good way to travel, a good way to see a country and the world.'
As a Rhodes Scholar in England, Bill Clinton learned to see the world, including his native America, through the eyes of the international peace movement. The details of this perspective, and its influence on Bill Clinton's worldview, have received no attention. The record should be set straight for all voters, regardless of how they feel about his response to service in the U.S. armed forces.
Father McSorley recalls that on `Nov. 15, 1969, I participated in the British moratorium against the Vietnam War in front of the U.S. Embassy at Grosvenor Square in London. Even the appearance of the Embassy stressed the over-exaggerated nature of America's power. * * * The total effect of architecture and decor says to the passer-by, `America is the biggest and greatest power on the globe' * * * That day in November about 500 Britons and Americans were meeting to express their sorrow at America's misuse of power in Vietnam * * * Most of them carried signs which said, Americans out of Vietnam.'
Father McSorely goes on to describe vividly the demonstration, which ended with a chorus of `We shall overcome.'
`The activities in London supporting the second stage of the moratorium and the March of Death in Washington, were initiated by Group 68 [Americans in Britain],' wrote Father McSorely. `This group had the support of British peace organizations, including the Committee on Nuclear Disarmament, the British Peace Council, and the International Committee for Disarmament and Peace.'
Then comes this revelation: `The next day I joined with about 500 other people for the interdenominational service. Most of them were young, and many of them were Americans. As I was waiting for the ceremony to begin, Bill Clinton of Georgetown, then studying as a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, came up and welcomed me. He was one of the organizers. * * * After the service Bill introduced me to some of his friends. With them, we paraded over to the American Embassy, carrying white crosses made of wood about 1 foot high. There we left the crosses as an indication of our desire to end the agony of Vietnam.'
Father McSorely can hardly be called a tool of the opponents to Bill Clinton's candidacy for president. Yet his prosaic, thorough depiction of those events, puts Bill Clinton squarely in the lead of a series of demonstrations with the public support of the British Peace Council, an affiliate of the World Peace Council and as obvious a front group for the Soviet KGB's international department as any that ever was.
Now, Bill Clinton at Oxford was no naif. He was a calculating political analyst, already confirmed in his ambition as a leader of his generation. By his own testimony, in his letter to ROTC Director Col. Eugene Holmes, Bill Clinton was taking great care to preserve what he considered his `political viability.' In this letter, Mr. Clinton also maintained that `not many people had more information about Vietnam at hand than I did.'
With this in mind, cooperation alone in anti-American demonstrations abroad would raise eyebrows. But Bill Clinton did more that cooperate; Bill Clinton was a leader of a movement under the direct aegis and support of one of the most notorious communist front organizations in Europe.
Further, it was at Oxford that Mr. Clinton gathered around him the advisors who still constitute some of the senior leadership of his campaign. The American people deserve a full accounting, now, of Bill Clinton's contacts in and coordination with the World Peace Council's British leadership.
Spare us Strobe Talbott's `full disclosure' and your own pussyfooting, Governor. Tell us everything, tell us yourself, and tell us now.
Dang, where is Mr. Clark (aka Kelly), and his decompression chamber, when we need them?
Excellent work, Fedora, the MSM/DBM is rapidly losing it's power to protect these traitors from public exposure.
get the news out bump
I was hoping, really hoping, that it was Waxman.
Peter Schweizer, a Hoover Institution research fellow, has just written a new book, "Reagan's War: The Epic Story of His Forty-Year Struggle and Final Triumph Over Communism."
Soviet diplomatic accounts and material from the archives show that in January 1984 former President Jimmy Carter dropped by Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin's residence for a private meeting.
Carter expressed his concern about and opposition to Reagan's defense buildup. He boldly told Dobrynin that Moscow would be better off with someone else in the White House. If Reagan won, he warned, "There would not be a single agreement on arms control, especially on nuclear arms, as long as Reagan remained in power."
Using the Russians to influence the presidential election was nothing new for Carter.
Schweizer reveals Russian documents that show that in the waning days of the 1980 campaign, the Carter White House dispatched businessman Armand Hammer to the Soviet Embassy.
Hammer was a longtime Soviet-phile, and he explained to the Soviet ambassador that Carter was "clearly alarmed" at the prospect of losing to Reagan.
Hammer pleaded with the Russians for help. He asked if the Kremlin could expand Jewish emigration to bolster Carter's standing in the polls.
Carter was not the only Democrat to make clear to the Russians where their loyalty lay. As the election neared in 1984, Dobrynin recalls meetings with Speaker of the House Thomas P. "Tip" O'Neill. This article also has some interesting stuff on how Kennedy was in turn going behind Carter's back to the Soviets in 1980 via Tunney and Peter Edelman:
Detailed information on the results of a visit by Bahr154 to the USA at the request of Chancellor Schmidt155 were received from a source in government circles in the FRG. During his ten days there Egon Bahr, the Federal Secretary of the Social Democrats, met Benson, Brzezinski,156 Kissinger,157 Shulman158 and the lawyer Peter Edelman159 who was a confidante of Senator Edward Kennedy.160 He found out their ideas about the new situation in the Middle East. From his short trip to the USA, Bahr gained the impression that three factors governed the situation: uncertainty, the desire for strong leadership and a growing fear of war with the Soviet Union The reason for this was "the general loss of faith in the power of America politically, economically and militarily." This feeling was strengthened by the failure of the administration to react in a sensible and decisive way to the events in Afghanistan and Iran. From his conversations in the USA, Bahr was convinced that the actions of the Washington administration were dictated primarily by "Carter's pathological wish to be elected for a second term" and were a consequence of the lack of a united view of the key contemporary problems among the President's advisers.
Summarizing his impressions from his American meetings, Bahr noted that "Carter is incurable with his inconsistency and flawed decisions which he takes on the spur of the moment for reasons of prestige." Bahr was convinced that it would become increasingly difficult to work with the American administration. For this reason he said that it was essential to support those forces in the USA which opposed Carter, meaning primarily the pretender to the post of head of the White House, Senator E. Kennedy. When the senator learned that Bahr was in the USA, he telephoned lum to express his regret that he could not meet him because of an election trip to Iowa and said that he could fly to Europe at a later date to meet him personally. He sent Bahr his confidante, Peter Edelman. In his talks with Bahr, Edelman was very open and on the instructions of the Senator gave Kennedy's analysis of events. According to the Senator, the protracted character of the Iranian conflict increased Carter's chances of re-election as it enabled him to demonstrate his firmness. The events in Afghanistan, which were overshadowing this conflict were also favorable to Carter. Kennedy was sure, however, that the public interest in Afghanistan, which had been fuelled by the American authorities, would soon wane and that it would return to Iran. The question "Who started this conflict by hiding the Shah in America?" would be asked which would be awkward for the present administration. Edelman said that this would enable Kennedy to campaign "for the normalization of relations with the Soviet Union and other countries in the interests of peace." A trump card for Kennedy would be his involvement in some form in settling the problem of the American hostages in Tehran. Edelman said bluntly to Bahr that "if Moscow were able to help Kennedy in this way it could count on a very positive development in Soviet-American relations."
On 5 March an American politician, John V. Tunney,163 was in Moscow on behalf of E. Kennedy to relay the latter's ideas on ways to lessen international tension to the Soviet leadership. The Senator considered that the foreign Policy part of Brezhnez's speech to voters in the Bauman district reflected the consistency and steadfastness of the USSR to the policy of détente and created a real basis for a settlement of the Afghan question. At the same time the Carter administration was trying to distort the peace-loving ideas behind Brezhnev's proposals. The White House was feeding the public opinion with nonsense about "the Soviet military threat" and Soviet ambitions for military expansion in the Persian Gulf. The atmosphere of tension and hostility towards the whole Soviet people was being fuelled by Carter, Brzezinski, the Pentagon and the military industrial complex. All the Republican presidential candidates were whippmg up anti-Soviet hysteria and prophesying that "the Russians will be stained with Afghan blood as the Americans were in Vietnam and that the standing of the USSR will decrease, particularly in the Islamic countries."
But there were other groups in the USA who were also represented inside the administration (Vance, Christopher,164 and others) who considered that Carter's policies were against the interests of the US and that the tension could be lessened through negotiations with Brezhnev. Having considered all these points, Kennedy had come to the conclusion that, in spite of the negative consequences for him personally, it was his duty to take action himself, which could force the Carter administration to act to de-escalate the crisis. He had to act immediately as inaction by the peace-loving forces in the USA would make it impossible for Carter, if he won his re-election, to change course. He would be bound to continue his policies of aggravating Soviet-American relations. If the Republicans were to win, the situation could only be worse. Kemedy thought it essential to make a speech on 16 to 18 March on the events in Afghanistan. He intended to call on the White House to guarantee that it would not interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and to use all the means it could to ensure that China and Pakistan would stop interfering in the country. He would call on the government of Babrak Karmal to announce a policy of nonalignment and [to declare] that it would not join a military alliance or allow the presence of foreign troops. He would also urge him to make the Afghan government more democratic and to include in it members of other parties and the clergy. He wanted to call on the governments of the USA and the USSR to start negotiations on concrete measures to guarantee non- interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and to draw up mutually acceptable forms of these guarantees with the participation of the UN. He would ask the Soviet government, if the outcome of the Soviet-American talks were favorable, to demonstrate its goodwill and, in agreement with the Afghan authorities, withdraw some troops (10,000 to 20,000) from Afghanistan and fix a date for the withdrawal of the remaining troops in 1980-81. He thought that some of his proposals would be acceptable to the Soviet government and would be grateful if Brehinev could express his approval if this were the case as this would give a powerful boost to the peace-loving forces.
Tunney stressed the basic difference between Kennedy's proposals and those of the USA administration. The White House was actually demanding the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, in other words an acknowledgement that they were unlawftilly sent into the country, whereas Kennedy, not touching the question of the legality of the presence of the Soviet troops, considered that their withdrawal should be linked with measures to guarantee non-interference from outside in the internal affairs of Afghanistan.
The KGB reported this infon-nation to the top together with its own comments. "Although not all Kennedy's proposals are acceptable to us they are worth considering as they contradict the line taken by Carter and other politicians."
On 14 May confidential remarks by the American Ambassador in Moscow, T. Watson,165 and Senators R. Byrd166 and A. Cranston167 became known. They had said that at the forthcoming meeting in Vienna the Americans intended to discuss a wide range of questions relating to Soviet-American relations, such as security problems in Europe and trade and economic cooperation including grain sales to the USSR., as well as Afghanistan. In this way the acuteness of the Afghan problem would be less apparent.
Your link works for me; thanks.
The way Thomas' archive and search engine works makes it hard to link directly to them sometimes, but usually if you type the key terms in Google you can find a path to the page. In any case, the details I posted give the names of the antiwar groups Clinton was involved with in the UK. I came across some of these same groups when I was researching Kerry and the VVAW's dissemination of the "war crimes" propaganda put out by Bertrand Russell's International War Crimes Tribunal, which like Clinton's group in the UK was working in coordination with the Soviet-directed World Peace Council.
Cranston was a good guess :-) He had a longer history with the antiwar movement than Tunney and brushed shoulders with CPUSA pretty often, but I haven't been able to document him actually working for the KGB. He and Tunney did work closely with the VVAW in the early 70s, though.
It helps if you cuss quietly sometimes....LOL
Thanks - very interesting stuff.
Brillant. Thank you.
"We will eventually come to an Indonesian solution of this problem..."
Could you explain that please?