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Obama To Preempt McCain Assault
CBS ^ | oct 5, 2008 | Mike Allen

Posted on 10/05/2008 3:38:43 PM PDT by fightinJAG

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1 posted on 10/05/2008 3:38:43 PM PDT by fightinJAG
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To: fightinJAG

Let him run his phony ads. McCain will pre-empt him during the townhall debate.


2 posted on 10/05/2008 3:40:38 PM PDT by jersey117
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To: fightinJAG

Hussein...go flush yourself!


3 posted on 10/05/2008 3:40:57 PM PDT by MeekMom (Cubbies let us down again!)
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To: fightinJAG

too late...


4 posted on 10/05/2008 3:42:38 PM PDT by nhwingut (,)
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To: fightinJAG

Obama, a younger John Kerry.


5 posted on 10/05/2008 3:44:03 PM PDT by Shermy
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To: fightinJAG
Photobucket - Video and Image Hosting


6 posted on 10/05/2008 3:45:33 PM PDT by cruise_missile (''Edward - Jones:High commissions for lousy investment advice! Making cents out of $.)
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To: fightinJAG

Hey Obeee, you’re too late.


7 posted on 10/05/2008 3:46:01 PM PDT by Gator113 ("Noli nothis permittere te terere.")
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To: fightinJAG
The officials said the campaign will not bring up the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, Obama’s former pastor, because McCain has forbade them from using that as a weapon. Without being specific, the officials said outside groups may focus on Wright.

The "racism" charge would be brought up against McCain. Didn't you know? Only whites can be racist.

8 posted on 10/05/2008 3:46:14 PM PDT by CedarDave (Hey, John -- "Country First" is getting yourself elected. Take the fight to Obama and the Democrats!)
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To: fightinJAG

Obama...erratic, unpatriotic, and stupid in real life.

One doesn’t maintain the relationships he had and not expect to be questioned about them in a campaign for the Presidency of the United States. We’re currently engaged in two wars because someone who was virulently anti-American attacked the Pentagon. Meanwhile, Obama has sat down for tea and worked with someone professionally who...was virulently anti-American and who attacked the Pentagon.

I guess it’s offensive to point out Obama’s sheer stupidity. He was fortunate in that we have a press that at its core is virulently anti-American.

Sorry, when you sell your personality as the primary reason to vote for you, then your choices in friends and associates are more than fair game.

Lastly, little Obamabot spokesman, your cult is offensive. Your messiah is a fraud and you are a brainwashed tool.


9 posted on 10/05/2008 3:46:15 PM PDT by Harry Wurzbach (Rep. Thaddeus McCotter is my hero.)
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To: fightinJAG

For god sacks, bring up astroturfing and the way Obama didn’t do jack to prevent the crisis...


10 posted on 10/05/2008 3:46:25 PM PDT by bahblahbah (http://explorations.chasrmartin.com/2008/09/06/palin-rumors/)
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To: cruise_missile

11 posted on 10/05/2008 3:49:44 PM PDT by South40
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To: fightinJAG

Big mistake to call John McCain dishonorable won’t play well with veterans or military families. If there is one thing that John McCain is it is honorable.


12 posted on 10/05/2008 3:50:08 PM PDT by chris_bdba
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To: fightinJAG
remember in the first debate when McCain pointed out his bracelet with the soldiers name and then Obama had to offer a me too bracelet story?

McCain should wave a copy of his birth certifice and challange Obama to another me too

.

13 posted on 10/05/2008 3:50:10 PM PDT by Elle Bee
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To: fightinJAG
Obomber and his MSM DemoRat campaign propaganda committee, CBS division, need to keep the mortgage meltdown financial panic mongering front and center in the news because Obomber has an MSM supplied complete blackout on his and DemoRats causing the meltdown.

McCain is cooperative by failing to speak out on that fact. Gentleman John.

14 posted on 10/05/2008 3:50:12 PM PDT by Navy Patriot (The beauty of conservatism, Sarah Palin.)
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To: fightinJAG
Most of Americans that pay attention know Democrats are neck deep in the housing crisis...

Obama you lose, you get nothing, good day sir...

15 posted on 10/05/2008 4:05:17 PM PDT by just me (JELLY BEANS AND WINKS...)
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To: fightinJAG

calling for help to free this AOL POLL

http://news.aol.com/?feature=200842


16 posted on 10/05/2008 4:06:23 PM PDT by Paige ("All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing," Edmund Burke)
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To: fightinJAG

Bait the pig with apples, the Tiger surveys the situation and pounces!!!!! Keep your friends close, your enemies closer. It is business not personal. Today, all family business will be settled./Just Asking - seoul62.......


17 posted on 10/05/2008 4:14:04 PM PDT by seoul62
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To: jersey117

“Let him run his phony ads. “

The independants don’t see it that way. The whole campaign and their decision makin is probably 4 or 5 minutes of sound bites heard over 3 months between Oprah and the View every day.

For me there is NO trust that the 20% are paying attention beyond the sound bites.

Here comes the reparations and fast path to citizenship for 11 million illegals. Here comes 4 new LIBERAL Supreme Court Justices over the next 8 years.


18 posted on 10/05/2008 4:16:21 PM PDT by JSteff
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To: jersey117
“Let him run his phony ads. “

The independents don't see it that way. The whole campaign and their decision making is probably 4 or 5 minutes of sound bites heard over 3 months between Oprah and the View every day.

For me there is NO trust that the 20% are paying attention beyond the sound bites.

Here comes the reparations and fast path to citizenship for 11 million illegals. Here comes 4 new LIBERAL Supreme Court Justices over the next 8 years.

19 posted on 10/05/2008 4:16:48 PM PDT by JSteff
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To: fightinJAG

So he’s not changing a thing. Like he wasn’t planning on running them anyway.

Pray for W, McCuda and Our Troops


20 posted on 10/05/2008 4:17:15 PM PDT by bray (It's the Corruption Stupid)
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To: fightinJAG
Michelle's mentor Bernadine Dorn is proud of her past.

Sixties Lessons and Lore
by Bernardine Dohrn

The sixties were risky, frisky, shattering, chaotic, moral, exhilarating, riotous, international, destructive, communitarian, divisive, vivid, anarchistic, dogmatic, and liberating. Relentlessly commodified in subsequent years, the sixties became a boxed set: music, culture, clothing, academic professions, mythology, and de-fanged pabulum. It takes courage to undertake an interpretive survey of a turbulent recent decade; historians Isserman and Kazin’s achievement provokes, reminds, and informs. They have produced a valuable reference book, a genre where their uncertain perspective does little damage. Their brilliant opening set piece describes the 1961 Civil War Centennial Commission—which decided explicitly to exclude the words “Negro,” “slavery,” and “Emancipation,” from their re-enactment pageantry of white regional rivalry. When a black New Jersey delegate, arriving to participate in the opening Fort Sumter commemoration, was denied a room at the Commission’s segregated South Carolina hotel, all hell broke loose. Eventually, in a resolution that foreshadows the 1995 Hiroshima exhibition at the Smithsonian,“two separate observances were held, an integrated one on federal property, and a segregated one in downtown Charleston.” What a sensational narrative to open an exploration of race, history, and the war to explain the war.

In the post-September-11 world, it appears that the reactionary drumbeat to criminalize, demonize, and marginalize the sixties has taken on renewed life and significance. Domestic opposition to U.S. wars and global strategies are being re-characterized—adding urgency to writing that opens up thinking, clarifies language, and promotes analysis.

That Isserman and Kazin raise urgent questions and stir debate more than they offer definitive analysis is a tribute as much as a flaw. The existing shelf of books about the sixties is largely composed of flawed attempts at “definitive analysis”; a series of partial views that often speak more of the inevitable distortions in the participant/author’s retrospective viewpoint, than of the scene described. This is surely understandable—these authors were also activists and while they aim at more than memoir, they often fall short of history. The Isserman and Kazin book is probably the last of that series and, as a comprehensive reference work, perhaps the best. The next wave of sixties interpretive analysis is about to begin; I predict it will be clearly divided between the more mature memoirs of participants and a virtual tidal wave of new scholarship by young historians on the multiple movements born in the decades that have come to be packaged as the sixties. So get ready for a new generation’s take on what it all means.

The sixties began in 1954 and the real news is that they’re not over yet. The twin blindspots of pre-sixties American social struggle—race and imperialism—blaze as the touchstones of the civil rights, anti-war, student, women’s, and black liberation movements, as well as all their propulsive, variegated progeny. But without a persistent focus on white supremacy and U.S. global domination, Isserman and Kazin miss the ethical and political heart of the sixties—and any significance for the growing movements for social justice today. For, of course, it matters far beyond academic nit-picking or self-justifying squabbles. There is no room for nostalgia or sentimental reminiscences. A truism: we lack a left “movement” today which integrates distinct, single-issue organizing into a sum greater than the parts. However, there is a contemporary array of serious left organizing—locally, nationally, and globally. Among them are resistance to the prison-industrial complex; the campus anti-sweatshop surge; disarmament and peace; exposure of racial profiling; anti-globalization; environmental justice; women’s liberation and equality; human rights; AIDs; solidarity with Chiapas; efforts for peace and justice in Colombia, Ireland, and Palestine; health care; labor; indigenous rights; school reform; lesbian and gay rights; opposition to police violence; and children’s rights.

Where does America’s wealth and prosperity come from? In the first three chapters of America Divided, there is no recognition that U.S. economic and military power had replaced the previous colonial powers of Europe in Africa, Latin America, and much of Asia. There is no U.S. extraction of oil and natural resources, no terms of trade that progressively devalue third world exports, no creation of indebtedness, no theft of labor, no destruction of subsistence culture and its replacement with reliance on imports, no violent suppression by the U.S. military of democratic national interests in Guatemala, Iran, the Congo, or the Philippines. Instead, there is a “golden age of economic growth and political stability,” “tarnished only by the omnipresent Cold War.”

But it was the very revelation of U.S. brutality and plunder in the Third World, and the rejection of Cold War ideology and its justifications, which defined and forged the “new left.” Both the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) grappled with and refused to impose the de rigueur anticommunist clause in their founding documents—to the dismay of, and ultimate rupture with, their elder social-democratic godparents.

The U.S.-sponsored assassination of Patrice Lumumba, the U.S. military invasion of the Dominican Republic, and the growing numbers of U.S. advisors in Vietnam alarmed and awoke many young people. And behold, these were bipartisan matters. What was revealed was the consistent Democratic/Republican unity in ruthless U.S. global hegemony—not “big power bullying tactics” or “bellicose foreign policy.” Liberal elders—whether socialists, labor leaders, academics, or politicians—almost all went along with U.S. domination, aggression, and violence in the so-called “underdeveloped” world. And they welcomed the consequent wealth here. SNCC’s reception of Oginga Odinga (a leader of newly independent Kenya), Malcolm X’s revelatory travels to the Mideast, and the student movement’s participation in international youth congresses (some CIA-sponsored!), opened eyes to a broader political spectrum than narrow Cold War liberalism. Tellingly, the new left also refused to apologize for or defend what had become of “socialism” in Russia, Eastern Europe, or even China. Protest and domestic opposition grew, from objections to resistance, to the U.S. violations of its own stated principles and laws. While the movement was in that sense homemade, it was also a student of national liberation movements abroad. We discovered our rebellious American ancestors, in large part, after the fact.

Moral outrage at what was being done in our name created a healthy breach, and that led to deeper analyses of the relentless workings of monopoly capitalism and imperialism. It seemed then, and it is as true now, that no one can begin to comprehend world political dynamics without such an effort to understand capital and the creation of wealth and poverty. Of course, analysis does not tell us what to do, but without a Marxist critique, all is chaos and impossible to explain without resort to myths of “U.S. superiority” or “manifest destiny.” How do less than 5 percent of the world’s people control more than 60 percent of the world’s wealth? For youth, the rejection of an Americentric worldview was fueled, not primarily by ideology, but by the concrete instances of university complicity with war research, segregation, and corporate power; government and academic lies and cover-ups; and the government/corporate/military/police nexus.

We cut our teeth on liberals. It was the Kennedys and LBJ who revealed the essential unanimity of power, despite some relevant and real differences. This critical edge is obscured by Isserman and Kazin who—while they point out that Kennedy was a liberal in style rather than substance—seem to write without irony, “Americans had long cherished the belief that they had a special role to play in determining the future of Asia,” or, “The early days of American involvement in Vietnam were almost like an adventure story.” Graham Greene, writing in 1955, saw the U.S. role and rationale more clearly.

The Isserman and Kazin book is rich in detail and reminds the reader of the intersecting claims of civil rights, poverty, and Vietnam. We see the timing of Brown v. Board of Education coincide with the lynching of Emmett Till and the actions of Rosa Parks; of Birmingham with the Cuba missile crisis; of the U.S.-sponsored assassination of Diem with Dallas; of Operation Rolling Thunder in Viet Nam with Selma and Watts; and of the Tet offensive with the assassination of Martin Luther King and the resignation of LBJ. Yet pat generalizations rather than dynamic complexities undermine much of the material. For example: (1) “the nation’s brief honeymoon of concern and goodwill with the poor was coming to an end.” (2) “It was difficult to tell how much racial attitudes had changed since the ’60s.” (3) “The decisions Kennedy was making about Vietnam would soon split Democrats into warring camps, to the lasting detriment of the liberal cause and agenda.”

And there is a drumbeat of apologist whitewash: McNamara’s personal disillusionment (he “kept his doubts to himself”); Johnson’s misgivings; the Bundy boys signature romance with guesswork statistics; and three pages of exculpation for Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Liberals—from Michael Harrington to George Meany to President Kennedy—were corrupted by the Cold War and willfully blind to white supremacy. Laments are inappropriate.

While great attention is devoted to the details and strategy of the early Civil Rights movement, it is severed from the two hundred years of effort that preceded it and from the powerful black liberation movement that exploded beneath it. Like most mainstream sixties histories, America Divided romanticizes the early sixties and diminishes the late sixties and seventies, avoiding the Black Panther Party, the Republic of New Afrika, black student unions, the Nation of Islam, and their numerous local incarnations. The legislative goal of voting rights was a critical part but never the sum of the great struggles for racial equality — and even today, voting rights remains far from assured as conflicts over the census, re-districting, disenfranchisement, and the 2000 elections in Florida reveal. Isserman and Kazin mistakenly reduce the Southern civil rights movement to a struggle for de jure voting rights, rather than an inclusive movement for desegregation, political power, racial justice, economic equality, and liberation. They give it an integration coherence, rather than analyzing it as an effective and temporary coalition of variegated, contending perspectives: religious and nationalist, multiracial and separatist, single issue and radical, legislative and economic. The historic strands of freedom struggle were all present in the South, and they re-awaken as the civil rights movement moves North.

Isserman and Kazin succumb to the peril of nostalgia for the “good” early days of the sixties and contempt for the later days of militancy, mass struggle, and black liberation. As the demands, rhetoric, and tactics of the black, Latino, and Native American freedom movements and the anti-war movement escalated in 1967–1969, the “movement” burst beyond its small band of activists. Tens of thousands joined the Black Panther Party, SDS, the Mobilization against the War, the Detroit Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM), the Brown Berets, the Young Lords, Resist, the American Indian Movement (AIM), and their hundreds of local equivalents; millions participated in protests or resistance not imaginable a short year before. The authors, noting the simultaneous rise of militancy and the expansion of small protest into widespread popular insurgency, concede the irony, but without re-thinking their assumptions.

Getting it right about race, even for a moment in time, is rare enough in the long effort to complete the U.S. project of democracy to be worthy of much more sober examination. In a book that sweeps through a myriad of details, the core struggle over white supremacy and inequality can get reduced to the weaknesses of great leaders or the tactics of those in struggle. Too often, the authors appear to place responsibility for setbacks on the black struggle. Watts, for example, sounds the death knell for LBJ’s Great Society and liberal reform. King in Chicago threatens white voters with demands for housing, jobs, education, and political power. Indeed. Has anything changed?

A different yardstick is used with the anti-war movement. “In the civil rights movement, confrontation served strategic ends.” In contrast, apparently, confrontation in the anti-war movement was “media-oriented” in “an atmosphere of frustration and extremism.” Gone are the five years of patient and strategic organizing against the Vietnam War: marches by mothers and veterans; resistance to the draft; legal challenges to an illegal war; community organizing in Detroit and Newark and Chicago; campus teach-ins; and organizing on military bases (coffee houses, GI unions, underground newspapers, and refusal to serve an unjust cause). “Unlike the civil rights movement,” they write, “which until 1965 was organized to achieve a series of concrete political and legislative goals, the antiwar movement could measure success only by one all-encompassing aim, the end of the killing in Vietnam.” Ending the U.S. invasion of Vietnam is pretty concrete. But their sentence is wrong on both fronts, simplifying the complex and multi-pronged freedom struggle and making the antiwar movement seem small or linear.

In fact, as they merged—as SNCC, Dr. King, and the Panthers opposed the Vietnam War and as the anti-war movement came to include black GIs, black students, and working class resisters—state repression escalated, assassinations flourished, and COINTELPRO was launched. And, as the authors ruefully concede, the movements became both radical and huge—number swelled, millions participated, organizations bloomed, and common strategic goals were pursued by a thousand voices. We were bringing the war home, and the war was bringing the black liberation and youth movements to the U.S. army in Vietnam. In important ways, finally, the authors miss the decisive role of both Vietnam’s political and military strategy and the resistance by American GIs.

What many came to grasp through the civil rights and anti-war movements was that racism—that bedrock recognition of white supremacy, inequality, and privilege (not just prejudice)—defined and shaped the “new abolitionists.” While many students dropped out of a life path of privilege, others fought to expand access and inclusion. Multiple strategies were explored and abandoned: direct action based on your beliefs; confronting power; moral witnessing; community organizing; militant mass movements; coalition efforts; workplace labor organizing; alternative institution-building; grass roots theater; electoral third party politics; cultural renaissance; lawsuits and participatory legal defense—all became tools to win hearts and minds, to challenge the taken-for-granted, to resist the status quo. Students sat-in and seized; demanded open enrollment in privileged universities (“Open it Up or Shut it Down!”); sought an end to racist or sexist texts and teaching (African-American, women’s, and Third World studies); mobilized solidarity with university employees; and challenged the exploitative university/landlord relationship with surrounding poor neighborhoods of people of color. The early stirrings of women’s liberation and then gay liberation opened new fronts, innovative organizing and democratizing strategies, and freedom forces. As in all movements, there was an explosion of cultural creativity and there were tragic and painful casualties.

Perhaps looking at ten critical events in some depth might have produced a more nuanced, dynamic and illuminating book about the sixties, avoiding the generalizations in this survey that cloy and irritate. Yet Isserman and Kazin have produced an important reference book, and also begin to describe the rise of the powerful counter-revolution. Most of the events that matter are there. The lessons will be found not in their feeble attempt to sum it up but in Seattle’s protests and in prison resistance, in reinvented attempts to face challenges of today with exuberant courage, radical vision, and ethical determination.

The propulsive energies unleashed in the sixties animate our lives today in obvious as well as invisible ways. If the mission of the powerful is domination, exploitation and control, and if global domination and racism are central—not peripheral—to our ongoing story, then “America divided” is not such a bad thing. In fact, it’s the only choice for humanity.

BERNARDINE DOHRN activist, academic and child advocate, is Director of the Children and Family Justice Center and Clinical Associate Professor of Law at Northwestern University School of Law, Bluhm Legal Clinic.

21 posted on 10/05/2008 4:17:47 PM PDT by ameagle
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To: fightinJAG

Bill Ayers, ("distinguished professor of education at the University of Illinois-Chicago") Obama's terrorist buddy who doesn't regret bombing the Pentagon and would do it again!

22 posted on 10/05/2008 4:19:35 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: fightinJAG
"William Ayers … A Founding Member Of The Group That Bombed The U.S. Capitol And The Pentagon During The 1970s."

Do you want this guy running the education system in the United States in an Obama administration?!

23 posted on 10/05/2008 4:21:41 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: fightinJAG
McCain should fire back......

Struggling families can't turn the page on Obamas Marxism.

24 posted on 10/05/2008 4:21:49 PM PDT by eyedigress ( My first 4 wheeler was on the rocks in Fairbanks)
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To: South40

LOL!, I mean nyuk, nyuk, nyuk!


25 posted on 10/05/2008 4:22:46 PM PDT by cruise_missile (''Edward - Jones:High commissions for lousy investment advice! Making cents out of $.)
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To: jersey117

Bill Ayers in Chicago, 2007


Obama was forced to defend his friendship with former Weather Underground member William Ayers, who never apologized for a series of bomb attacks in the early 1970s. In fact, on September 11, 2001, The New York Times quoted Ayers as saying, "I don't regret setting bombs. I feel we didn't do enough."

26 posted on 10/05/2008 4:24:32 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: Elle Bee
"McCain should wave a copy of his birth certifice and challange Obama to another me too"

I have said that on several posts.

Quite simply, show your birth certificate and say where is yours?

Question?
Isn't there a form a potential President has to fill out?
You know, the simple stuff like; what is your official name; who is your mother and father; where were you born; now old are you. Have you provided proof of birth?

Damn, you would think so.

27 posted on 10/05/2008 4:24:52 PM PDT by AGreatPer (I want to see a birth certificate.)
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To: fightinJAG

It is time for McCain to name names and times and places and use multi-media in his presentations.

QUIT BEING NICE, Senator McCain!!!

Be Truthful, Be Vocal, Be Proud.


28 posted on 10/05/2008 4:26:54 PM PDT by HighlyOpinionated (http://www.dailymotion.com/video/k6KUDv1wzraWhwlBt1 == Learn or Repeat History!)
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To: fightinJAG

It is time for McCain to name names and times and places and use multi-media in his presentations.

QUIT BEING NICE, Senator McCain!!!

Be Truthful, Be Vocal, Be Proud.


29 posted on 10/05/2008 4:27:02 PM PDT by HighlyOpinionated (http://www.dailymotion.com/video/k6KUDv1wzraWhwlBt1 == Learn or Repeat History!)
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To: fightinJAG
Did he prematurely preempt ? I'm still waiting.
30 posted on 10/05/2008 4:30:23 PM PDT by linn37 (Hail Me, Obama or be cast into the fiery pits of eternal damnation!")
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To: fightinJAG
He wants to talk about the faltering economy? Have McCain bring up Obmama’s tight ties to ACORN!
31 posted on 10/05/2008 4:32:19 PM PDT by stayathomemom ( nowanemptynester)
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To: MeekMom
How does a TERRORIST become a "Distinguished Professor of Education"?!!!


School reform crusader Bill Ayers works within the system now, but don't ask the former Weatherman to apologize for his radical past

Ayers was a 1960s radical, a leader in the Weathermen, a group which exploded a few bombs, one of which accidentially killed three of its members. Ayers, along with his wife Bernadine Dohrn, went undergound for years only to eventually reemerge to become a University of Illinois education professor, a Hyde Park neighbor to Obama and, now, a touchpoint in the 2008 presidential race.


They had to remember to use their phony names.

For years, his was "Joe." Hers was "Rose."

"I was at the top of my field," the wife says. "I was on the FBI's 10 most wanted list."

She smiles at her husband.

"He was on the bottom," she adds. "I was most wanted, he was just wanted, sort of wanted."

William Ayers is Distinguished Professor of Education and Senior University Scholar at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC), and founder of both the Small Schools Workshop and the Center for Youth and Society. A school and community activist for over forty years, he also teaches courses in interpretive research, urban school change, and youth and the modern predicament. A graduate of the Bank Street College of Education and Teachers College, Columbia University, he has written extensively about social justice, democracy and education, the political and cultural contexts of schooling, and the meaning-making and ethical purposes of students and families and teachers. His articles have appeared in many journals including the Harvard Educational Review, the Journal of Teacher Education, Teachers College Record, Rethinking Schools, The Nation, and The Cambridge Journal of Education.

32 posted on 10/05/2008 4:32:32 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: AGreatPer
LOL ... great minds ....

You would think the feckless GOP would have a lawyer to spare who could competently bring this challenge in a federal court ... and not the same circuit in which Fast Eddie Rendell's wife sits

.

33 posted on 10/05/2008 4:34:38 PM PDT by Elle Bee
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To: fightinJAG
"The notorious sixties radical,still carries a whiff of that rock 'n' roll decade: the oversize wire-rim glasses that, in a certain light, reveal themselves as bifocals; a backpack over his shoulder,'' Marcia Coburn wrote then. "Yet he is also a man of the moment. For example: There is his cell phone, laid casually on the tabletop of this neighborhood Taylor Street coffee shop, and his passion for double skim lattes...

"After a bomb exploded accidentally and killed three of their colleagues, Ayers and Dohrn "hooked up," in the parlance of the day, and, since 1982, they have been married. This--violence, death, and white-hot rhetoric--is his past and Ayers insists he has no regrets. "I acted appropriately in the context of those times," he said.

In the context of these times, Ayers' association with Obama -- the education professor at the University of Illinois Chicago hosted a reception for Obama's state Senate campaign, and the two have served on a board together -- has drawn attention from campaign critics. Chicago Mayor Richard Daley is among those who say that Ayers has become a contributor to the community, and it's long past time to put the tumult of the Sixties in the past.

34 posted on 10/05/2008 4:40:42 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: fightinJAG
What a surprise!

C BS carrying water for the One!

I'm glad they’re not wasting any time reporting on whether the Ayers allegations are true or not.

That would get in the way of being a mouth-piece for the Obama campaign.

35 posted on 10/05/2008 4:43:22 PM PDT by mojito
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To: kcvl
Do you want this guy running the education system in the United States in an Obama administration?!

William Ayers is an unrepentant domestic terrorist Professor of Education and Senior University Terrorist Scholar at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC), and founder of both the Small Schools Workshop and the Center for Youth and Society. A school and community activist for over forty years, he also teaches courses in interpretive research, urban school change, and youth and the modern predicament. A graduate of the Bank Street College of Education and Teachers College, Columbia University, he has written extensively about social justice, democracy and education, the political and cultural contexts of schooling, and the meaning-making and ethical purposes of students and families and teachers. His articles have appeared in many journals including the Harvard Educational Review, the Journal of Teacher Education, Teachers College Record, Rethinking Schools, The Nation, and The Cambridge Journal of Education. His books include A Kind and Just Parent: The Children of Juvenile Court (Beacon Press, 1997), The Good Preschool Teacher, (Teachers College Press, 1989), and To Teach: The Journey of a Teacher, (Teachers College Press, 1993) which was named Book of the Year in 1993 by Kappa Delta Pi, and won the Witten Award for Distinguished Work in Biography and Autobiography in 1995. Edited books include: To Become a Teacher: Making a Difference in Children’s Lives (Teachers College Press, 1995); with Janet Miller, A Light in Dark Times: Maxine Greene and the Unfinished Conversation (Teachers College Press, 1997); with Pat Ford, City Kids/City Teachers: Reports from the Front Row (The New Press, 1996); with Jean Ann Hunt and Therese Quinn, Teaching for Social Justice: A Democracy and Education Reader (The New Press and Teachers College Press, 1998); with Mike Klonsky and Gabrielle Lyon, A Simple Justice: The Challenge of Small Schools (Teachers College Press, 2000); and with Rick Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn, Zero Tolerance: Resisting the Drive for Punishment—A handbook for parents, students, educators and citizens (The New Press, 2001). Recent books include Fugitive Days: A Memoir (Beacon Press, 2001), On the Side of the Child: Summerhill Revisited (Teachers College Press, 2003), and Teaching the Personal and the Political (Teachers College Press, 2004). His latest book is Teaching Toward Freedom: Moral Commitment and Ethical Action in the Classroom (Beacon Press, 2004).

William Ayers should be far removed from school children. Never knew Chicago was such a trash hole. University of Chicago and Northwestern have the trashiest professors in the United States. Obviously he is consulting Obama behind the scenes when it comes to terroism and education.

36 posted on 10/05/2008 4:43:56 PM PDT by ameagle
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To: Elle Bee
BTW, I looked at 5 national newspapers today at McD's.

Not one had an ad for "Community Organizer". What the hell is that for a background? McPain should bring that up.

37 posted on 10/05/2008 4:47:18 PM PDT by AGreatPer (I want to see a birth certificate.)
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To: fightinJAG

What McCain should be doing is what he inexplicably has not done:

Point out the genesis of this credit crisis in the CRA, and Clinton’s subsequent executive orders to punish the lenders that refuse to write loans to those not credit worthy.

It has to be said that this is 100% a democrat fiasco. (as always) What is going on in his head?


38 posted on 10/05/2008 4:52:41 PM PDT by editor-surveyor (Obama isn't just an empty suit, he's a suit-Bomb trying to sneak into the White House.)
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To: just me
"Most of Americans that pay attention know Democrats are neck deep in the housing crisis..."

Are you sure? - The polling sure doesn't show that.

39 posted on 10/05/2008 4:56:42 PM PDT by editor-surveyor (Obama isn't just an empty suit, he's a suit-Bomb trying to sneak into the White House.)
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To: Paige

Post a thread if you want a poll freeped.


40 posted on 10/05/2008 4:57:33 PM PDT by editor-surveyor (Obama isn't just an empty suit, he's a suit-Bomb trying to sneak into the White House.)
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To: AGreatPer

Community organizing is a process by which people living in proximity to each other, are brought together to act in their common self-interest.

Community organizers work actively, as do other types of social workers, in community councils of social agencies and in community-action groups. At times the role of community organizers overlaps that of the social planners.

pressure the decision-makers through a variety of means, including picketing, boycotting, sit-ins, petitioning, and electoral politics

Political campaigns often claim that their door-to-door operations are in fact an effort to organize the community, though often these operations are focused exclusively on voter identification and turn out.

Saul Alinsky, based in Chicago, is credited with originating the term “community organizer” during this time period. Alinksy wrote two books: Reveille for Radicals, published in 1946; and Rules for Radicals, published in 1971, which was adopted as a “bible” by many radical activists

The American Civil Rights Movement, the anti-war movements, the Chicano movement, the feminist movement, and the gay rights movement all influenced and were influenced by ideas of neighborhood organizing.

The American Civil Rights Movement, the anti-war movements, the Chicano movement, the feminist movement, and the gay rights movement all influenced and were influenced by ideas of neighborhood organizing.

Wade Rathke of ACORN
John Dodds of Philadelphia Unemployment Project
Mark Splain of the AFL-CIO

******

Community Organizer
Aclu - Charleston, SC
of the Executive Director, the Community Organizer will be ... of the organization.

Be a Community Organizer
Cleveland, OH
a Community Organizer for Working America AFL-CIO We fight for working families rights; We’re getting out the vote

Community Organizer(Bilingual/Bicultural)
Eng/Span
San Diego Inc
San Diego, CA


41 posted on 10/05/2008 4:59:50 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: editor-surveyor

Sorry, I’m still learning how this works.


42 posted on 10/05/2008 5:07:07 PM PDT by Paige ("All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing," Edmund Burke)
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To: kcvl
"How does a TERRORIST become a "Distinguished Professor of Education"?!!!"

Ayers isn't unique:

Angela Davis, gun maul that smuggled a sawed off shotgun into a San Rafael, California Courtroom in 1971, so that her boyfriend could murder the judge, is at this time a professor at the University of California Santa Cruz campus.

43 posted on 10/05/2008 5:08:47 PM PDT by editor-surveyor (Obama isn't just an empty suit, he's a suit-Bomb trying to sneak into the White House.)
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To: editor-surveyor

I don’t believe the polls.... I don’t think the meida believes their own polls either, because if they did they wouldn’t have to attack Sarah Palin the way they do if she wasn’t a threat to THE ONE. They had kerry winning also. If it weren’t for vote fraud we could win with a land slide..... I am thankfull that GOD counts the votes..


44 posted on 10/05/2008 5:09:32 PM PDT by just me (JELLY BEANS AND WINKS...)
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To: fightinJAG

Former fugitive Bill Ayers poses along a path in a California coastal park. He and his wife, Bernardine Dohrn, now spend parts of their summers at a mountain retreat in Northern California.

After years on the run, Bill Ayers and his wife, Bernardine Dohrn, take a walk along a coastal park near Arcata, California. They visit the area yearly to summer with friends at a nearby mountain retreat.

Bill Ayers is seen during a panel discussion at a conference on racism at the Field Museum on Saturday, September 16, 2000.

Bill Ayers walks with wife, Bernardine Dohrn, and their son, Zayd Dohrn, 4, outside a federal courtroom in New York circa 1982.

Photo: Obama’s Hyde Park Booster Committee (1960s)

AKA: TERRORISTS!!!


Dr. William Ayers, the former leader of a 1960s-era political terrorist group called The Weather Underground, is now a professor of education at the University of Illinois-Chicago (UIC). His wife, Bernardine Dohrn, is with the Children and Family Justice Center at Northwestern University Law School. Obama is a former Senior Lecturer in the University of Chicago Law School. Wondering whether the three may have crossed paths is not speculation. It is a fact that they have. Ayers, Dohrn, and Obama have appeared together at a number of gatherings and academic events.

In November 1997, Ayers and Obama participated in a panel at the University of Chicago entitled Should a child ever be called a “super predator?” to debate “the merits of the juvenile justice system”.

In April 2002, Ayers, Dohrn, and Obama, then an Illinois State Senator, participated together at a conference entitled “Intellectuals: Who Needs Them?” sponsored by The Center for Public Intellectuals and the University of Illinois-Chicago. Ayers and Obama were two of the six members of the “Intellectuals in Times of Crisis” panel.

http://tinyurl.com/4zamr8

45 posted on 10/05/2008 5:09:36 PM PDT by kcvl
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To: kcvl

kcvl, that is so excellent informatioin. You can bet that it is printed and will be presented at my Pub tomorrow. Thank you.


46 posted on 10/05/2008 5:10:18 PM PDT by AGreatPer (I want to see a birth certificate.)
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To: kcvl

kcvl, that is so excellent informatioin. You can bet that it is printed and will be presented at my Pub tomorrow. Thank you.


47 posted on 10/05/2008 5:11:31 PM PDT by AGreatPer (I want to see a birth certificate.)
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To: AGreatPer
Not one had an ad for "Community Organizer".

"Marxist Street Agitator" is the more recognized term. Rabble Rouser is also well recognized.

48 posted on 10/05/2008 5:12:16 PM PDT by editor-surveyor (Obama isn't just an empty suit, he's a suit-Bomb trying to sneak into the White House.)
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To: AGreatPer

Sorry for the double post.


49 posted on 10/05/2008 5:12:30 PM PDT by AGreatPer (I want to see a birth certificate.)
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To: jersey117
the authoritarian leftists Bill Ayers and his sidekick Mike Klonsky (who is an associate of former Weathermen terrorist leader William Ayers)

The origins of the Weathermen can be traced to the collapse and fragmentation of the Students for a Democratic Society. The split between the mainstream leadership of SDS, or "National Office," and the Progressive Labor Party pushed SDS as a whole further to the left. National Office leaders such as Bernardine Dohrn and Mike Klonsky began announcing their emerging perspectives, and Klonksy published a document entitled "Toward a Revolutionary Youth Movement" (RYM). RYM promoted the philosophy that young workers possessed the potential to be a revolutionary force to overthrow capitalism, if not by themselves then by transmitting radical ideas to the working class.

50 posted on 10/05/2008 5:15:50 PM PDT by kcvl
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