Posted on 01/31/2009 11:38:31 AM PST by Publius
Synopsis
The bar is the most expensive in New York. Located on the 60th floor of a skyscraper, it looks like a cellar, even forcing its patrons to stoop to get across the room. Orren Boyle of Associated Steel, James Taggart, Paul Larkin and Wesley Mouch, now identified as Hank Rearden’s lobbyist in DC, all meet to discuss the order of Rearden Metal from the railroad.
Boyle explains to Jim that the delay in supplying steel to the railroad is due to his inability to obtain iron ore, thanks to played out mines, worn out equipment and general transportation problems. Because of the interdependency of business, he wants others to help shoulder his burdens. “The only justification of private property is public service,” says Boyle. He believes that Rearden Metal is dangerous because of its lightness; the National Council of Metal Industries has created a commission to study it.
Jim states that when the people are agreed on something, how dare anyone dissent from the popular will? (This is to become a recurring theme.)
Boyle says that while monopolies are bad, so is unbridled, destructive competition. He is upset that Rearden can always get the material needed for his mills while others can’t. Rearden’s ability and success are destroying everyone else in the steel business; therefore, there should be a national industrial policy aimed at giving everybody a fair shot at iron ore. He wants Taggart’s help in DC.
But Jim wants something for himself. Is it fair at a time of transportation shortages and railroad bankruptcies that there is duplication of service and unbridled, destructive competition from newcomers in areas where the old established railroads have always held sway? Boyle agrees that his friends at the National Alliance of Railroads might weigh in on this.
Larkin, who apparently has some pull in DC, is uncomfortable about betraying his friend Hank Rearden, but in the face of historical necessity he sees he may have to.
Wesley Mouch says little to nothing the whole time except to agree with what everyone else has said. His disloyalty to his boss is not mentioned.
The deals are sealed.
Boyle says he has visited the San Sebastian mines in the People’s State of Mexico, the last piece of private property left in that benighted country. Taggart asks about the rumors of imminent nationalization and Boyle labels them as malicious slander.
Boyle is upset about the poor rail service to San Sebastian provided by Taggart Transcontinental, especially the fact that there is only one passenger train per day, using ancient coaches hauled by an even more ancient wood-burning steam locomotive. Taggart isn’t aware of this but makes excuses to sound as if he knows what is going on.
There is a flashback explaining the relationship between Dagny and Jim and her friendship with Francisco d’Anconia. Dagny made the railroad run, while Jim worked Washington for favors and influence. Jim had built the line to Francisco’s mines at San Sebastian, but the line had never shown a profit. Jim’s friends had purchased large blocks of stock in Francisco’s enterprise. Their rationale for building the line was to help the people of Mexico, not to mention currying favor with the communist government which they believed was the wave of the future. Profit was secondary.
This mis-allocation of resources is causing the more important Rio Norte Line to crumble, and because Taggart cannot service Ellis Wyatt’s oil fields in Colorado, Wyatt is moving his oil by the competing Phoenix-Durango Railroad.
The San Sebastian Line isn’t producing because the mines aren’t producing, but Francisco had explained that his mines were still in development. Dagny knows that Francisco had become utterly worthless over the past decade, but Jim still believes he can deliver. Dagny had been putting the worst assets of the railroad into service in Mexico because she believed the line was about to be nationalized, and Jim goes ballistic when she mentions this. He orders her to run better service in Mexico, but Dagny says she will have to reduce service on the rest of the network to accomplish it. Jim doesn’t want to make decisions or take responsibility, so Dagny resolves to continue providing service her way.
Leaving her office, Dagny stops at a cigarette stand in Taggart Terminal. The proprietor says that there are only a few brands of cigarettes available because most of the other brands have gone out of business. He notes that the people who rush through the train station seem to be haunted by fear. In his list of things wrong with the world, he ends by saying, “Who is John Galt?” Dagny is upset at hearing the phrase, and both of them dislike what people mean when they say it.
Eddie Willers eats in the company cafeteria with a nameless Rail Worker. He tells the Worker that the Rio Norte Line is the last hope for Taggart Transcontinental. There have been more accidents on the system; diesel locomotives are being lost, and United Locomotive Works is two years behind schedule in delivering new equipment. McNamara of Cleveland will lay the new rail on the Rio Norte Line once Rearden delivers. Eddie also tells the Worker of Dagny’s love for the music of Richard Halley. (The Worker is to play a critical role later, so let’s keep the discussion out of spoiler territory.)
Hank and Dagny’s Enemies
The previous two chapters defined Dagny Taggart and Hank Rearden, and now we meet the villains, all friends of Jim Taggart and a scurvy lot indeed. Orren Boyle was just a name earlier, but now he has a face and an ideology. We’ve heard that Hank employs a lobbyist in DC and now we meet him, or we would if he had anything worthwhile to say.
Concerning the ever quiet and discreet Wesley Mouch, is his last name pronounced “ouch” prefixed by an “M”, “mouk”, “mooch”, or the French “moosh”?
Railroads and Government Transportation Policy
A Canadian rail magnate once told me, “Railroads are a tool of government transportation policy.” From the earliest days of railroading, government at all levels got involved.
Early in the railroad age, the state of Pennsylvania launched the Main Line of Public Works, a plan to build a railroad that would pierce the Alleghenies and join the two halves of the state. After years of pouring money down a rathole and having little to show for it, the state sold the project to a group of financiers in Philadelphia who created the Pennsylvania Railroad, the “standard railroad of the world”.
States would grant corporate charters to one group of people for building a railroad in order to prevent another group of people favored by competing interests from building a different railroad. Favoritism and influence peddling were part of the game from the very beginning.
Abraham Lincoln, a railroad lawyer by trade, gave away vast tracts of the American West to railroads to raise the capital necessary to build across the continent and link the country together. This was a product of grand vision and even grander influence peddling.
Because railroads are so capital intensive, most rail entrepreneurs were financiers first, people who built their rail lines with equal parts BS and other people’s money. It was a rare man, like the real life Jim Hill and the fictional Nat Taggart, who did it the hard way, raising money outside of Wall Street. Most rail entrepreneurs had some facet of government policy on their side.
It had started almost at the very beginning of the United States.
After the War of 1812, the federal government decided it needed a transportation policy, and it concentrated that policy upon canals and roads, classified under the term “internal improvements”. The burning issue of that era was who was going to pay for them. One side took the position of private financing and the other favored the application of government largesse. The two-party system as we know it today coalesced around this issue.
With the arrival of railroad technology in the years before the War Between the States, government policy shifted again, both at the state and federal level. This was the great era of railroad building in America.
With the invention of the internal combustion engine at the beginning of the 20th Century, transportation policy shifted back to roads. This began the great era of highway building, culminating in Eisenhower’s Interstate Highway System, the greatest and most successful application of practical socialism in American history.
Today, with the highways saturated with trucks, there are signs that government transportation policy is poised to shift back to railroads again.
While Rand’s image of the lone entrepreneur building a railroad is certainly noble, it is also rare. Government was always a key player.
Hank Rearden, Bill Gates and Industrial Policy
James Madison built a constitutional prison for the federal government. By keeping taxation powers limited, there would not be much money to spend, thus keeping the government out of trouble. One thing the Framers feared was that an entire class of people would come to the seat of government to lobby for their share of federal largesse; the term used at the time was “rent seeking”. But the implementation of government transportation policy started an inexorable process.
During the Seventies, there was serious discussion of government allocation of resources to “sunrise” industries, as opposed to “sunset” industries. Financiers like Felix Rohatyn and industrialists like Max Palevsky pushed this idea within the Democratic Party. Jimmy Carter ran for president in 1976 touting government resource allocation under the title “industrial policy”.
In the book, it was mentioned that Jim Taggart was picked as railroad president by the board because of his pull in DC, thus making him a professional rent seeker for his company. The meeting in this chapter was aimed at using the federal government as a weapon against Hank Rearden because he was a success. Rearden’s own friend and paid lobbyist were in on it. The weapon itself was industrial policy, designed not to protect the people, but to protect other industrialists.
When the Microsoft antitrust suit was filed by the government, the current wisdom was not that Bill Gates had done anything wrong, but that he had failed to hire the right lobbyists in DC and pay off the right politicians and regulators. Gates’ crime, like Hank Rearden’s, was simply to be successful.
Some Discussion Topics
It does appear as if the source is undocumented but it is a worthy observation!
Here is some interesting information related to searches for the source:
http://answers.google.com/answers/threadview?id=389308
As to the length of the quote, here are some very short Franklinisms in Bartleby:
http://www.bartleby.com/100/245.html
GREAT!
Thanks for the post.
This is a critical observation.
During the Great Depression, those who still had some money left and lived among ordinary Americans observed the same rule. It was unwise to show signs of wealth when your neighbors were scraping just to get by. You'd lose friends that way. People might look the other way if something bad happened to you. It was an era when kidnapping became commonplace.
Look at this as a defense mechanism.
Up until the late 1960's, that might have been a good casting choice. But God (apologies to Rand) help us had they made the movie back then.
In later chapters, you’ll see what happens when people base all their decisions on feelings. The farther into the book you go, the more perverse it becomes.
“Jim got to the top by winning life’s lottery - he was born into it.”
This reminds me of a snide comment someone (I don’t remember who) made about George W. Bush: “He was born on third base, yet he thinks he hit a triple.” I think this fits Jim Taggart perfectly.
“YOU need to give, whilst I sit back and direct how your money should be spent. Sound familiar?”
Paying more taxes is patriotic.- V.P. Plugs
Maybe someone can post the actual quote.
I am re-reading for the second time. I am reading each chapter and then re-reading slowly. It is amazing how many forshadowing comments Ann uses!
when we get government medicine, there will be shortages. It will be the same in other industries. The economy is hurting and thier answer is to bankrupt the country through massive spending.
bTW- I would pronounce it moosh
“Balphie, you’ll boot your bye out!”
/too-early-rising-induced insanity
Joseph Cotten, in his prime.
Today? How about Ewan McGregor?
I'm a little ahead of this chapter, but I am finding the truth in that statement.
While we have the "grasshoppers" pretending to be caring about the "people" and we have the "ants" actually doing something, we are leaving out all those people in the middle. There doesn't seem to be any great clamor from the people for government interference, it only comes from the hangers-on (the group in the bar). Boyle has so many excuses for his worthlessness as does Jim and yet they see themselves as saviors of the world. While reading this I can see Chris Dodd as Boyle and Bill Clinton as Jim. I know Clinton wasn't born into money, yet he doesn't really make hard decisions, he lets someone else do the work and takes the credit.
I forgot to include that Rush spent 18 years creating what he has, and the libs want to either start at the top or have government mandate “equality.” My response to Air America is: get back to me in 18 years and we’ll talk....
hh
Another omission: I always read it as “mooch.”
hh
Well, think of it like this. I’ve seen government housing. I do not want government medicine. Not to mention that half of my husband’s family lives in Canada. We hear the bad stories about waiting lists, protocols, etc all the time.
Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.