Posted on 03/06/2003 11:41:20 AM PST by robowombat
VIETNAM DAY Berkeley's Kooks, Communists, And Pro-Vietcong by Gary Allen
Gary Allen traveled to the University of California at Berkeley with photographer Ken Granger to cover the International Days of Protest: October fifteenth-sixteenth for American Opinion. A professional script writer, Mr. Allen is now employed in the preparation of film-strips on current affairs by Bill Richardson Graphics. He is a graduate of Stanford and a resident of Los Angeles. Gary Allen is co-author of the brilliant article on the Watts insurrection which appeared in the September issue of American Opinion.
HALLOWEEN came early to the University of California at Berkeley this year. It came early. And before the anti-warlocks retired again to their crypts they had vandalized the national honor. The goblins, under the leadership of the Vietnam Day Committee, unearthed themselves two weeks prematurely to stage a propaganda spook-show known as the International Days of Protest: October fifteenth-sixteenth.
On Thursday night, October fourteenth, a sartorial preview of what could be expected for the weekend was staged at The Forum, a capitalistically run coffee house two blocks from the Berkeley campus. As curious specters paraded from the cash register to their tables carrying cups of exotic brews, it seemed to us as if their costumes had been designed by Edgar Allan Poe and Charles Addams. It was hard to believe. The young Leftists were uniformly dressed in ancient, drab, shabbily exotic, and unusually dirty clothes. The hair styles in vogue suggested a new guessing game—"Guess The Sex."
We drank our coffee, watched, and thought how pleasant it would be to just laugh and dismiss these exhibitionist misfits as incapable by impotence of being a threat to anyone but themselves. Such a view, while comfortable, would have been incorrect. For, as these strange young adults enjoyed their coffee and relished their own intense "socially conscious" conversations, as streetbunder Leftists like Berkeley mathematics professor Morris Hirsch stood on street corners passing out demonstration leaflets, a group of hard-core revolutionaries was busy behind closed doors making last-minute preparations for the International Days of Protest, a horror conceived in Moscow and coordinated from Berkeley, California. That handful of young California revolutionaries was providing the front for the coordination of efforts by tens of thousands of Leftists from Los Angeles to Paris to take to the streets in protest of American policy in Vietnam and in favor of the policy of the Communist Vietcong.
Since the demonstrations, there have been guarded insinuations by various government officials that a few Communists may have infiltrated the fringe of that pro-Vietcong activity. You will have to judge what was the fringe and what was the nucleus after you have inspected the evidence concerning what went on at Berkeley.
I THE SAN FRANCISCO BAY area has long been a focal point for radical activity. As the California Senate Fact Finding Committee on Un-American Activities revealed in its 1965 Report:
Once we realize that the (Communist) Party has always operated the entire Pacific Coast and Hawaiian apparatus from San Francisco; that the major propaganda sources are situated in that city, and that the indoctrination and recruiting schools are located there—only then is one adequately equipped to begin understanding why the main force of California Communism is located in the Bay Area.
Many of you will recall that it was primarily students from the nearby University of California at Berkeley who staged the riots against the House Committee on Un-American Activities during its San Francisco Hearings in 1960. And you will also remember Berkeley's riotous Free Speech Movement of last winter, which was virtually controlled by the Communists. The outcome of the latter student rebellion against the weak administration of Chancellor Clark Kerr has been described by a Committee of the California Senate as abject surrender. As a result of that surrender, anything is permissible at the University of California. And where anything goes, everything is in danger.
Friday morning, October fifteenth, saw the building of a tumult of activity in the area in front of Sather Gate, the disputed area of the Berkeley campus which the Kerr administration has now totally surrendered to young Leftist revolutionaries, many of whom are not even students, so that they may accost the real students as they come and go from their classes. On that particular Friday morning it seemed that nearly every Leftist revolutionary organization in America had set up a card table at Sather Gate to display its literature, buttons, and placards. A bearded youth stood prominently at the Gate handing out leaflets bearing a timetable for the planned pro-Vietcong teach-ins and the march to the Oakland Army Terminal scheduled by the Leftists for that weekend. All around him young activists buzzed with the excitement of unreason.
Many there were rejoicing that years of apathy had given way to a new era of "social consciousness" and revolutionary youth. Included in the "socially conscious" groups with tables there on the Berkeley campus was the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs of America, named after the American Negro "reformer" and founder of the N.A.A.C.P. who joined the Communist Party officially in Ghana after renouncing his American citizenship. F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover has described the DuBois Clubs, founded in San Francisco, as being "spawned" by the Communist Party. Some of you who are "out of step with the times" might think that this would be enough to have the organization banned from the campus, but they are very "Liberal" about such things at the University of California.
As you peruse the list of officers in the DuBois Clubs, the Berkeley Free Speech Movement, and the Vietnam Day Committee, you find that the names are almost identical. The most notorious name there is that of Miss Bettina Aptheker, leader of the Free Speech Movement and the daughter of the official theoritician of the Communist Party, Herbert Aptheker. Though Miss Aptheker has admitted that she is a Communist, she was described in a recent probation report as "more moderate and responsible than the other Free Speech Movement leaders." Which may give you some idea that the others are not merely innocent "Liberals."
The Progressive Labor Party is another of the organizations permitted to be active at Berkeley. Progressive Labor is the organization of the violent Peking-oriented Communists. They are militant revolutionaries who want to see blood flowing in American streets— and they want to see it now. At the booth of the Progressive Labor Party buttons were for sale featuring a Red Star, the insignia of Communist revolution. Lettering on the button exhorted the wearer to "Fight For Socialism." Progressive Labor was also selling a variety of publications. One, P.L., featured an editorial on the Watts insurrection presenting these demands:
(1) Arrest the Nazi Police Chief Parker, Governor Brown, and Mayor Yorty and bring them to trial for murder. (2) Disarm the criminal police and punish the guilty ones. (3) Withdraw the occupation troops (police) immediately. (4) Release the 3,000 hostages.
Challenge, another Progressive Labor publication, carried the headline, "U.S. Gestapo Persecutes N.Y. Dominicans." Also, one could purchase Spark—Western Voice of Revolution, which editorialized as follows:
When people have the will to resist, they can keep an entire army at bay.... Since the government will use every weapon of terror to crush resistance, the people must build and train their own self-defense organizations.... The ruling class is weaker than it appears. In Los Angeles it needed the entire strength of California's National Guard to occupy 120 [sic] square miles of territory.
These are but a few examples of the culture and higher learning being offered on a campus provided by the taxpayers of California and permitted to continue by a school administration charged with educating the state's youth. There are many more such examples.
The Trotskyite Communists' Young Socialist Alliance also had a charming array of literature on its table, including a tabloid newspaper called Free Student. On the back of the copy we bought was a picture of the helmet of a dead U.S. Marine, impaled by the Vietcong on a bamboo spike. It was all to promote a "Get 0ut of Vietnam Rally" in New York on November eleventh (which was to include speakers from the murderous Deacons for Defense).
Yes, all the "socially conscious" groups had gathered for the festivities. Those organizations displaying materials included C.O.R.E., Students For A Democratic Society, The Independent Socialists, the Americans For Democratic Action, the Alternatives To The Draft Committee, and even the Facts About Abortion Committee. Among other publications for sale were The Malcolm X Story, International Socialist Review and the Marxist-Leninist Quarterly.
Available for fifty cents was a large, colorful directory of the coming weekend's events entitled, Did You Vote For War? Bay Area Vietnam Committee. The following groups listed themselves there as contributors to the International Days of Protest—October fifteenth-sixteenth: Industrial Workers of the World, Socialist Alliance, Independent Socialist Club of Berkeley, Bay Area Progressive Labor Party, Students for a Democratic Society, Communist Party of Northern California, Young Democrats, Bay Area Spartacist, Socialist Workers Party, and the May 2nd Movement.
The twenty-six page directory contained a brief rundown of the position taken by each group. Basically they are all the same. Here is a sample from the May 2nd Movement, a Progressive Labor Party subsidiary:
We support the National Liberation Front of south [sic] Viet Nam and other revolutionary movements because we realize that their struggle is our struggle, that when we aid our brothers in other countries, we are aiding ourselves, for we are struggling against the same enemy.
With this type of material in the Vietnam Day Committee's official program, and with so illustrious a list of sponsors, it is not surprising that even some of our nation's most timid officials are cognizant of "the hint of Communists" in the demonstrations. Yet in spite of the fact that reporters and photographers were in evidence throughout the two-day anti-American orgy, not one breath of the Communist domination of this demonstration has been specifically cited by any major newspaper, magazine, or network television program. Frankly, it just isn't because they weren't aware of it.
While treasonous organizations were selling literature in front of Sather Gate, seminars were being held that Friday morning scheduling such notorious "Liberals" as Dorothy Ray Healy, Chairman of the Communist Party of Southern California.
Friday afternoon was devoted to a "teach-in" featuring many of the nation's leading revolutionaries and Leftists. The University, which had provided classrooms for pro-Vietcong morning seminars, supplied a large athletic field and erected a sizable podium for the afternoon program. The tone of each speech was virtually identical: the Vietnamese war is an "indigenous fight for independence," the United States is run by "Wall Street warmongers," and the difference between the United States and Nazi Germany is "purely geographic."
One of the features of the afternoon session was a bitterly anti-Christian skit which climaxed with the "minister" stealing the crutch from a crippled colored man while proclaiming him healed.
Then, as students walked through the crowd hawking the Peking Review, Professor Gerald Berreman, Acting Chairman of the University of California Anthropology Department, informed the assembled that Berkeley led all universities in Peace Corps recruits due to "the socially conscious atmosphere at Cal." But since the United States had decided to make war on women and babies in South Vietnam, he said, he felt called upon to urge students to boycott the government in "good" projects while it was conducting an aggressive war.
The next speaker, Dr. Franz Schurmann, Director of the Center for Chinese Studies of the University of California, told the audience: "We've tried dialogue. We've tried patience and reason. It hasn't worked. Now we have only demonstrations left."
The most outrageous diatribe of the afternoon was disgorged by M. S. Arnoni, Editor of a wildly Leftist magazine called The Minority of One. Mr. Arnoni, whose magazine is financially supported by Communists, says he spent time in one of Hitler's concentration camps before being liberated and brought to this country. He evidently is not overly grateful as he appeared before the crowd in a black-and-gray-striped concentration camp uniform and stated, "There are stripes in this uniform and there are stripes in the American flag. I cannot take this uniform off as long as this country maintains concentration camps." Arnoni chided the students for the mildness of their protests and urged them to emulate the tactics of the Buddhists and to commit suicide in order to focus public opinion on the Vietnam war. Mr. Arnoni, however, did not volunteer to set an example.
II OUTSIDERS who left the Berkeley campus and returned to the United States for dinner must have been struck, as we were, by the difference between what they had just left and the pleasant, well dressed people enjoying their meal and preparing for an evening on the town, totally oblivious to what was occurring a few blocks away where a gang of revolutionaries was demanding the destruction of the United States. We remember thinking that the old saw, "Don't worry — They're Still Ninety Miles Away," is inappropriate.
They were only nine blocks away.
There were, however, no reported cases of dyspepsia over it.
Friday evening began with a large crowd gathering at the Berkeley athletic field in preparation for a march on the Oakland Army Terminal. The parade was to climax the demonstrations. Since the Oakland Police had refused the Vietnam Day Committee a parade permit, it was doubtful if the march would ever reach its goal. The final orator was State Assemblyman William Stanton, who assured the throng of the righteousness of their cause and said that he felt sorry for the many government spies and informers in the crowd because they had a dirty job. As the assembled lined up to begin the march, Co-chairman of the Vietnam Day Committee Jerry Rubin, who recently returned from Communist Cuba, assured the crowd that no violence was expected and that they did not plan civil disobedience. However, he said, if any civil disobedience did develop, aliens, minors, and those on parole were advised not to take part. Marchers were handed pro-Vietcong placards of various types exhorting the United States to stop its "aggression" in Vietnam. Very few had brought their own signs, but the Vietnam Day Committee provided them.
Fifteen thousand persons participated in the Friday night march—no mean accomplishment if one considers the magnitude of trying to promote and organize a program of this size in support of an enemy which was at that very moment killing young Americans in Vietnam.
Most of the non-participants who lined the parade route were non-committal, though there were a few vocal "red baiters" who suggested that the marchers depart for various geographical areas outside and below the United States. At the front of the parade and wearing his Vietcong cap was Mike Myerson, International Secretary of the Communist W.E.B. DuBois Clubs. He was recently the guest in North Vietnam of Ho chi Minh—who announced that he had made Myerson his honorary nephew. He was also head of the U.S. Committee of the 1962 Communist Youth Festival. Mike Myerson wears a ring fashioned from bits of metal taken from a downed American aircraft.
One shocked C.B.S. television cameraman may be wiser for his experience in photographing the parade. A young female humanitarian tried to climb into the convertible from which he was taking his pictures. When he refused to let her climb aboard she called him every name that you have ever seen written by morons on the wall of a public lavatory. He was obviously shocked to hear such language from a "socially conscious" young lady.
As expected, the Oakland Police were waiting to block the parade's entrance to Oakland. But, rather than risk a confrontation with the Oakland Police Force (which has a reputation for being much tougher than the more "sociologically minded" Berkeley Police), the leaders of the march had planned to veer away from Oakland and to take the parade to a park in downtown Berkeley for the night "teach-in."
On hand at the park to greet the fifteen thousand marchers were fifteen clean-cut students of a patriotic bent. Although the odds were more than a trifle uneven, the marchers wanted no part of the patriots. Discussion between the pro-Americans and a couple of dozen marchers remained relatively calm until one of the beatniks made the statement that Communist Ho chi Minh based his regime on the principles of the American Declaration of Independence. Shortly thereafter the police stepped in to protect the fifteen thousand from the fifteen.
You are undoubtedly curious about the Vietnam Day Committee's strong desire to be genuinely non-violent. Conservatives have learned that when a Martin Luther King arrives in town and proclaims "non-violence," blood will soon be flowing. There is, after all, tremendous propaganda value in goading Southern whites into responding to invasion by outside agitators. Sympathy is rapidly aroused for the poor invaders by the mass media, and of course the "Civil Rights" leaders are willing to sacrifice a little blood in order to create a martyr. Outside the South, however, the psychological sympathy of public opinion for beatnik marchers quickly melts away—and with it the efficacy of violence. So "monitors" with red arm bands and walkie-talkies surrounded and controlled the Berkeley crowds. They were a tough looking crew. (Their leader, "Ringo" Hallinan of the infamous Hallinan family, has had intensive training in physical combat since he was ten years old.)
The point of the strong-arm protection was that with only the presence of the "hard core" there would have been no parade. Large numbers were required: sympathizers, united fronters, sincere pacifists, women, children, and even the physically handicapped. These people had no desire to be martyrs, and without them the hard core could not have gotten the nation-wide publicity it sought. So non-violence was the theme —and "hard-core" toughs were there to see that nobody molested their sheep.
During the Friday night speeches, someone did toss a tear-gas bomb into the crowd. Many did not return after the gas lifted even though the Vietnam Day Committee quickly restored order by leading the "Civil Rights" song, We Shall Overcome. The pied piper's melody brought the faithful back into the park, but most of the hangers-on had fled permanently. This song has an almost magical, hypnotic effect on the veterans of the "Civil Rights" demonstrations who compose a large percentage of the so-called "peace movement." The agitators are the same, only the buttons have been changed to confuse the innocent. Which says something important about both the pro-Vietcong demonstrations and the "Civil Rights" movement.
III THE VIETNAM DAY Committee had announced that there would again be an attempt to march to the Oakland Army Terminal on Saturday afternoon, but things were relatively quiet in the Berkeley park that Saturday morning as a few hundred waited for the return of the "masses." Among those lecturing the faithful were William Worthy, a frequent visitor to Communist China, and Mike Laski, who shouted into the microphone that he was a member of the Communist Party—Marxist-Leninist, a violent Communist splinter group. Laski has claimed that his organization, which is headquartered in Watts, was responsible for starting the Watts riots.
Back on campus it was obvious why the leaders had taken the parade to a park in downtown Berkeley rather than return to the school. Saturday Cal was to play the University of Washington in football, and as it was Parent's Day, there would be thousands of visitors on campus. Gone from the campus plaza were the revolutionary placards, gone were the tables advocating abortion, draft evasion, and revolution. Why, it looked like a school, a school where students could come and learn without having their University turned into a circus by a handful of misfits and criminals, many of whom are not even enrolled as students. The average parent viewing the campus on his way to the game must have wondered what all the fuss was about. There was one lonely beatnik girl calmly strumming her guitar. Could she be a threat to the nation? Absurd! Why, such people only lend a little color to the campus and doubtless broaden the students' outlook on life.
Saturday afternoon approximately three thousand marchers, some bare footed, some in sandals, and a scattered few with shoes, headed once again for Oakland. The Oakland Police were waiting as expected; and also waiting, but not expected, was the Oakland echelon of the Hell's Angels Motor Cycle Club.
While the marchers were mostly an unbathed lot, their accumulated dirt paled in comparison with that of the motorcycle squadron. The beatniks apparently sneak a shower every six months, an act the Hell's Angels consider a sign of moral decadence.
The leader of the Angels, a brute of a man seven-feet tall and weighing three hundred pounds, with flowing black hair and beard, shouted "By God, I'm an American and I ain't no Commie," as he led his small group in a charge on the paraders. The Berkeley Police intercepted the attackers, bludgeoning the leader into unconsciousness. There was, however, not one cry of "police brutality" from the assembled Leftists. The Angels were, after all, just hoodlums—they weren't Leftist hoodlums.
What motivated the Hell's Angels is anybody's guess. Perhaps even these criminal renegades have (unlike many of their more sophisticated contemporaries) enough decency to know that Communism is a rotten hell. Possibly they were just looking for a "rumble."
The Saturday afternoon teach-in was a repetition of the preaching of hatred for this country that had marked the session on Friday. It was held in the middle of a main street, blocking traffic between Oakland and Berkeley. The Vietnam Day Committee maintained that their freedom of speech was being violated because all they were allowed to do was stop traffic; it was, they said, a right of free speech to invade a defense base. They vowed to keep trying and threatened to turn Oakland into another Selma—whatever that meant.
The featured speaker was Yale History Professor Staughton Lynd, son of two veteran Communist Fronters. Lynd is considered by the Communists to be such a good speaker that he was permitted to act as a keynote lecturer at the anniversary celebration of the Communist National Guardian on November 24, 1964.
IV WE WERE amazed that the Communists were so blatant. There was no phony pretense about these people being "Liberals," no hedging, no dodging. Thousands wore Red-star buttons and many openly bragged of being Communists with all of the candor of one speaking of being a Democrat or a Methodist. There was no hypocrisy about "better Red than dead." It was just better Red, period.
It would, of course, be wrong to draw the conclusion that the marchers were all Communists or that all of those on the program were Communists. But note that in the Committee's official program all of the contributors except the Young Democrats are avowedly Communist or revolutionary socialist organizations. (Of course, the President of the Berkeley Young Democrats, Ted Cohen, is a member of the Communist W.E.B. DuBois Clubs.) Having an all-Communist demonstration is contrary to the Communists' "united front" technique, whereby Communists attempt to create enormous propaganda by magnifying their numbers geometrically.
The fact remains, however, that most of the key leaders of the Berkeley affair have extensive backgrounds in Communist activity. Besides Bettina Aptheker and Ringo Hallinan, (who has two brothers who participated in the founding of the DuBois Clubs), the leadership included Jerry Rubin, a founder of the Vietnam Day Committee who recently returned from an illegal trip to Communist Cuba, and who was a participant in the "stop-the-trains" demonstrations in Oakland. Another co-founder of the Vietnam Day Committee is Cal mathematics professor Stephen Smale, who was the campus advisor for the Fair Play For Cuba Committee—a Communist member of which assassinated President Kennedy. While a student at the University of Michigan, Smale was an open member of the Labor Youth League, cited as a Communist Front organization by the Subversive Activities Control Board. The League's National Chairman was Leon Wofsy, former National Youth Director of the Communist Party, U.S.A., who is now Associate Professor of Bacteriology at Berkeley, and a faculty advisor to the Vietnam Day Committee. The Committee also included Trotskyite Paul Montauk; the former Cuba Travel Committee leader, Kipp Dawson; Free Speech Movement strategist and DuBois Clubber Steve Weissmnn; and Elizabeth and Sydney Stepleton, representatives of the Trotskyite Communist's Young Socialist Alliance.
Still, activities described here could not have taken place without the aid of a weak or sympathetic University administration and faculty. The Report of the California Senate concerning the Free Speech Movement, the progenitor of the Vietnam Day Committee, reveals the tenor of things at Berkeley:
Conditions at Berkeley in the fall of 1964 provided an ideal situation for Communist activity. The administration was opposed to the maintenance of proper security facilities; there had been an easy acceptance of radical student organizations that had become both arrogant and defiant. . .
Apologists for the Berkeley situation are quick to point out that many of those involved in these revolutionary activities are not students; they say that a disproportionately large number of those who each day invade the campus to harangue the students are not enrolled. This is true, but also misleading, because most of the agitators were students at the University at one time and dropped out to become full-time revolutionaries. Further, the University could easily prohibit revolutionary propagandizing on the campus. It just doesn't seem to want to.
On the other hand, the California Senate Report makes it clear that Berkeley's students are being conditioned in their classrooms to accept what the revolutionaries preach. In speaking of the Leftist Free Speech Movement, the Senate Report states:
Many professors who were sympathetic with the FSM used their classrooms for the purpose of expressing these sentiments to their students. There are many instances of . . . professors and teaching assistants deliberately indoctrinating their students in an attempt to gain support for the FSM.
Three hundred and seventy-eight members of the Berkeley faculty went so far as to send a telegram to Governor Brown requesting that eight hundred students who had been arrested for invading and seizing a University administration building and holding it for fourteen hours not be punished. The California Senate Report was clearly on firm ground when it stated that at Berkeley there has been "easy tolerance of pro-Communist faculty members who made little effort to conceal their profound Marxian bias either from students or administration."
In assessing the climate at Cal, it would be inappropriate not to consider the President of the University, Clark Kerr. Speaking of Kerr's background the Senate Report says:
Kerr served with several government agencies during and immediately after the war . . . he was brought into close contact with the many communists who were also working in these agencies.... We do make clear that many of Kerr's most intimate colleagues during these years were at the same time teaching at the communist school and participating in a wide variety of pro-Communist activities. Some of them came to work at the Berkeley campus after Kerr became Chancellor.
The tolerance of the radical student groups, the opening of the campus to communist officials, the reluctance to curb the activities of the most harsh and defiant student refuels, and the obvious distaste for adequate security precautions, speak for themselves.
It was inevitable that those who were subjected daily for a long period of time to a relentless, highly-sIanted barrage of communist propaganda, and who were in daily association with dedicated party members either came to detest Communism or to accept it as a way of life with an attitude of easy accommodation.
No Communist speakers had been allowed to lecture on university property since January 1952, until President Kerr persuaded the Regents to rescind that prohibition about three months before the Berkeley Rebellion commenced.
* * *
V NIKOLAI LENIN said, youth is the key." He was right. As a result, the Communists have worked on college campuses for decades—and the situation at Berkeley is certainly not unique.
While Communists at Berkeley were leading 15,000 marchers to support the Communist Vietcong, as many as 100,000 students, according to Newsweek, were elsewhere involved in the same kind of activity we have described here. That Saturday, 10,000 demonstrators marched down New York's Fifth Avenue in support of the Vietcong's anti-American position on Vietnam. At the University of Michigan, Texas, Ohio State, Yale, Harvard, Wisconsin — throughout the land—the revolutionary Left was on the march. Officials at the University of Colorado even permitted a flashcard section (demanding negotiations with the Communists) to demonstrate at a football game.
That week in Vietnam forty-nine young Americans—many the same age as these Communist and Leftist demonstrators — were killed and 113 were wounded. They did not wear beards, or chant slogans; they did not march or demand or demonstrate. They just died. More correctly, they were killed— by the friends of the Bettina Apthekers, the Jerry Rubins, the Leon Wofsys, the Stephen Smales, the Mike Myersons, and the placard-carrying young revolutionaries who marched at Berkeley and elsewhere to try to make their deaths a mockery.
Meanwhile, several thousand non-students continue to haunt the environs of Berkeley, auditing courses from Leftist professors (at no charge except to the taxpayer) and participating in "political activities." Their numbers are growing as many are enticed into the maw by the spirit of rebellion, the veneer of idealism, and the seemingly romantic life. Many will pass through this phase, but many won't. In the meantime, the society that they hate so much, the mixed-economy whose ills they mistakenly ascribe to capitalism, provides them with free schooling, a place to plan their revolution, a forum to preach it from, unemployment insurance to live on, and young men to die in Vietnam in their place.
There need be no further proof that Communism does not spring from the fields or factories, but from the marbled halls of a socialist education system sucking its blood from the patriotic body of the nation's producers. This is the system that has given the world its Mao Tse-tungs and Fidel Castros. Out of such a twisted crew of demented "intellectuals" have come revolutions that have captured Russia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, China, Hungary, Poland, Albania, Cuba, and so many more nations.
Of course, it can't happen here.
Reprinted with permission from American Opinion, December 1965
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