Posted on 08/23/2003 4:22:53 PM PDT by Pokey78
Officials at the United Nations compound in Baghdad could not have made themselves any clearer. During numerous meetings with coalition commanders to discuss the security arrangements for the Canal Hotel, the UN's administrative headquarters, they were insistent that they did not want a large American presence to protect them.
Even when members of Iraq's interim government received warnings that the remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime were planning a suicide truck attack against a "soft" target in the Iraqi capital - such as the Canal Hotel - the UN officials reiterated the view that they could look after themselves.
Salim Lome, the UN spokesman in Baghdad, was still defending this position last Wednesday morning as American and Iraqi rescue workers continued to recover survivors from the remains of the hotel.
UN officials "did not want a large American presence outside", Mr Lome explained, because it would have compromised their position as independent intermediaries between the Iraqis and the "occupying powers". Unlike the Americans, who spent so much of their time in Saddam Hussein's well-fortified former palaces, UN staff were primarily in Iraq to undertake a humanitarian mission, and did not want "to live behind barbed wire".
It was as a direct consequence of this naivety that there was only a single American army Humvee guarding the main road to the hotel when the suicide bomber embarked upon his murderous mission.
Yet, perversely, it is the Americans, rather than the UN, who seem to be getting all the blame for last week's tragic attack on the UN. As Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary-General, declared soon after breaking his family holiday in Finland to return to New York immediately after the attack: "The occupying power is responsible for law and order and the security of the country. That has not happened."
Relations between the US and UN, of course, have not exactly been cordial since Saddam proved so adroit at sowing division and discord among the Security Council during the intense period of diplomatic manoeuvring that preceded the war.
What Mr Annan and those who share his world view fail to grasp, however, is that while the UN would prefer to keep its distance from the activities of the American and British soldiers who are trying to restore some semblance of civil society to Iraq after 35 years of Ba'athist tyranny, this is a distinction that is utterly lost on the small pockets of Saddam loyalists who remain determined to wreck the post-war settlement.
Indeed after the security council formally sanctioned the US-British coalition as the "occupying power" in Iraq under resolution 1483, it is little wonder that Saddam's loyalists regard the UN as actively colluding with the coalition. And in case Mr Annan hasn't noticed, Saddam's loyalists have been doing their best in recent weeks to disrupt the UN's much-vaunted humanitarian activities by attacking infrastructure targets, such as the water and electricty supplies.
The latest outburst of international sparring over how to manage Iraq's post-Saddam future, prompted by the bombing of the UN compound, will undoubtedly give comfort to Saddam and the determined band of loyalists who remain intent on making sure the coalition fails in its attempt to restore political stability to Baghdad. Saddam is no doubt thinking along the lines stated by Lenin in the days leading up the Russian revolution: the worse it gets, the better it is.
Certainly the UN's conduct since the bombing does not inspire much confidence that it could provide a viable alternative to the coalition in running Iraq. In order for tangible progress to be made in rebuilding Iraq, the priority must be the complete eradication of Saddam's regime and its sympathisers, whether they be Palestinian renegades or Al-Qa'eda militants.
The top priority, of course, must be to get Saddam himself, for so long as he remains at large he will continue to serve as a rallying point for the discontents. And on that front, while the headlines mainly concentrate on the activities of the saboteurs and bombers, the coalition continues to make remarkable progress.
Following last week's capture of Taha Yassin Ramadan, the former Iraqi vice-president, and (Chemical) Ali Hassan al-Majid, Saddam's cousin and long-term enforcer, the coalition has now accounted for more than 40 of those named in the pack of cards of most wanted regime members. Apart from Saddam himself, the only other significant former regime member still at large is Izzat Ibrahim, the deputy head of the Ba'ath party's ruling body, the Revolutionary Command Council.
Critics of the coalition also conveniently overlook the fact that not everything that has happened in Iraq since Saddam's overthrow has been a disaster. A recent survey of the Iraqis showed that more than 70 per cent supported the removal of Saddam's regime, which probably explains why the different factions and ethnic groups in Iraq have not allowed their age-old rivalries to degenerate into open civil war, as was so confidently predicted by pre-war doom-mongers.
If, then, Iraq is not about to become the new Lebanon, there is still the possibility that it could become the new Afghanistan, with scores of foreign, although mainly Arab, fighters flooding in to join a new jihad to repel the foreign invaders from Muslim soil.
Iraq is now the front line in the war on terror. Were the coalition to hesitate in its determination to confront the remnants of Saddam's regime, and the motley crew of Islamic troublemakers who are seeking to take advantage of the unstable security situation, it would indicate that the West lacks the will to confront those who seek to harm it.
For this reason it is essential that Mr Annan and his colleagues at the UN, rather than trying to undermine the effectiveness of the coalition by diluting its command structure, concentrate their energies on finding the means to strengthen the coalition. The serious task of nation-building in Iraq can only begin in earnest once the war is finally won.
Con Coughlin is the author of Saddam: The Secret Life (Macmillan)
That would be a very clear summary, except that the West is divided. The U.S. and Britain would bring order out of Iraqi chaos, but the French-fried U.N. are in less than subtle opposition. However, if the U.N. prefers it's people to be blown up rather than be guarded by coalition troops, that's their business.
Having said that- I still don't want the UN anywhere near Iraq. I realize the manpower issue is real but seriously- it isn't worth begging at the UN for help that would prove counter productive in the long run. This was an American made war- let the re-building be American lead as well.
So9
The list of our perfidy in the Cold War goes on and on. Maybe it was necessary (I tend to agree with that) but let's drop the moral supperiority when it comes to the French and other nations. We did what we thought we had to do- and so did they.
Yes.
Do you really think that so much of the French economy was dependent on trade with a nation of 28 million that they would take such a course?
No, of course it is not economic, it is ideological.
It is a combination of French anti-semitism and French taste for totalitarianism that have stewed together in the minds of the French Inteligensia/governing class since Charlemagne .
The French will do anything possible to bring down any nation superior to their own. It is Chauvanism without limit and we are its principal target.
So9
We need two things: 1) Better intelligence on the Saddamites and Islamists operating in Iraq, and 2) More Iraqi police and security forces to put a native face on enforcement. Replacing American faces with Turkish, Indian, etc. faces doesn't hurt, but it's not a substitute for Iraqi faces. Trying to make up for our lack of good intelligence, the force multiplier now, with a larger armed foreign footprint/presence is a very bad idea for security. It also causes other problems:
"I mean, there is a downside to having too many troops there. I mean, clearly, there's a downside where you increase your lines of communication, you increase your number of logistics troops, you increase the -- you know, the energy that you have to expend just to guard yourself. I have never been one in favor of huge, ponderous forces, but light, agile, mobile forces that not only can deal with the problem in Iraq, but throughout the theater." - Gen. Abizaid, DoD News Briefing, August 21, 2003 (http://www.defenselink.mil/transcripts/2003/tr20030821-secdef0604.html).Other countries are already starting to withdraw. If the U.S. brings in the UN, however, the UN (or the constituent governments) will refuse to be under U.S. command. We'd feel the same way if the roles were reversed. It is truly a sinkhole.
You mean like they refused US command in NATO, or for Desert Storm, or in Afghanistan, .....
You're right though, we've always demanded to be the one's large and in charge for the big ops - the little ones that don't get much press we have less of a problem being under foreign command.
However, it still is good to try to determine and understand their motives and attachments.
And the French have never really been tolerant of totalitarianism even after WWII when the French Communist party was riding high. As for your weird Charlemagne reference (who couldn't read) I have no answer.
Tell that to Dreyfuss
And the French have never really been tolerant of totalitarianism even after WWII when the French Communist party was riding high.
The French from Charlemaigne to the Bourbons to the Bonopartes to Petain and DeGaulle have always craved a touch of the lash and prefered the maximum possible central control. They can't seem to cope with any system between absolute rule and anarchy, unless you consider the 5th republic a proven success.
So9
So9
What matters today more is Frech fomenting anti-Americanism and puring gasoline or coal on the Middle East embers, versus using their influence to de-Baathify and expose terrorist lanes in Europe, Africa and the Middle East. Otherwise they are less than helpful ingrates.
Franks was a case of mob action by the lowest whitetrash scum in our nation. Dreyfuss was a case of institutional prejudice at the very highest levels.
So9
Fact is- we are alone in the world. We are not seen as a benevolent force. We are seen as rulers and empire builders.
France could be very helpful, given their history in the region and their current population ties/intelligence gathering capabilities.
I've heard that NATO is "all but dead" for more than a decade now. Germany doesn't hate us. To be fair, Germany hates us less than we hate the French, if you're into polls. The level of goodwill between Germany and the US is mutual. Oh, and us hating export relaint economies hurts them much more than it hurts us.
Blair may go, but so will Schröder, and Chirac's killing 10,000 Frenchmen while their economy goes into the tubes.
Fact is- we are alone in the world. We are not seen as a benevolent force. We are seen as rulers and empire builders.
No, we're not, but if you let the whiners, nay-sayers, doom and gloomers, Bush-bashers/haters, and American self-floggers get to you - well statements like that will just come naturally.



Iraqi Lives Saved Counter - Algorithm # of Iraqis not killed by Coalition compared to estimates ----------------------------------------------------------------------- ( )x (birth rate per day of those saved above x # of days since 1 May 03) ----------------------------------------------------------------------- ( )- # of Iraqi deaths reported by www.iraqbodycount.net -----------------------------------------------------------------------# of Iraqis alive because of the US-led Coalition's compassion, competence and love of humanity. * incl. # of Iraqis not dying from sanctions since they were lifted |
| A Calculated example for Sunday, August 10, 2003: | ||
|---|---|---|
| Minimum | Maximum | |
| 48,000 | 3,900,000 | |
| + | 47/day x 102 days | 548/day x 102 days |
|
|
||
| 52,794 | 3,955,896 | |
| + | (( 34.2 per 1000 population per year x 52,794 ) / 365 days ) x 102 days | (( 34.2 per 1000 population per year x 3,955,896 ) / 365 days ) x 102 days |
|
|
||
| 53,298 | 3,993,703 | |
| - | 6,087 | 7,798 |
|
|
||
| 47,211 | 3,985,905 | |
|
References: |
||
Debates with people you agree with are relatively short.
I thought Clinton was high handed with NATO during the Kosovo debacle. That little war merely strained relations. Bush severed them to all intent and purpose.
And yet, it still exists, it will exist past the Bush administration(s), it will expand and change character, it may eventually morph into something else.
Germany and France ain't coming to our aid in Iraq.
So what? Did I miss the history lesson where the French or Germans bailed us out during a war? France and Germany should be aiding the Iraqis, not us. If they prefer to spite the Iraqis in order to maintain a sense of false pride for adamantly protecting the Saddam regime since 1998 (when France left the no-fly zone enforcements and France, Germany and Russia fought against the Clinton policy of regime change in Iraq).
Russia is happy that we are facing the same thing they face in Chechnya.
There are absolutely some old Russian Generals and intelligence folks (Putin?) who are experiencing schadenfreude over any difficulties we have in Afghanistan or Iraq. But don't kid yourself, Putin's administration does not want us to fail - Chechnya is their tip of the world's terrorism iceberg.
And all three (Russia, Germany, and France) are talking about how to contain the USA!
Like they were when Reagan was President? Boy all that altruism for the US that existed before W became President - those were the good ol' days, eh?
A few contrived graphs and some jpegs doesn't change the issue that your statement had nothing to do with the war (at least not according to the President). And I think the issue of the whole thread is getting sidetracked on this 'patriotic' 'blame the French' kick.
The fact is that the UN can't handle the job of rebuilding. Unfortunately what the Telegraph fails to admit is that US troops won't be able to do it either. That doesn't mean I don't support the troops and don't believe in a strong military, because I do. Rumsfeld and his crack squad of neocon advisors can keep sending troops into Iraq until the cows come home and it won't mean a hill of beans difference (speaking of beans, have they found any more of that 'killer' fertilizer?). Never mind the fact that sooner or later they're going to run out of troops to send for this (since Lord knows Rummy's bunch wouldn't fight if they had to). Citizens of the respective states won't like it and the troops will come home for one political reason or another. Twenty-thirty years from now, when the 'liberation' force leaves, it'll go back to what it was, if not worse.
Democracy will not work in this part of the world. And please no comparisons to Japan or Germany. Neither one of those states was surrounded by nations that grudingly accept US presence on one hand and with the other give fists of money to terrorists (as our 'ally' Saudi Arabia). Neither one of those states was surrounded by a half a billion 'believers' just like themselves. Democracy does not, and will never, fully work there.
I can see the reason why the UN wants to do this on their own. Mind you, I agree with their reason in principle (that of being a truly independent unattached intermediary), however in that nation anything not flying the flag of Iraq is likely to get shot at no matter what the color (and the article points this out). If I were the UN, and since they're going to be there, I'd accept US protection while the troops finish collecting their 'deck of cards'. Since they're not going to find WMDs (off to Syria or Iran, I can't remember where Rummy wanted them to go next ;)), pack the bags, put a basic government into place, write them a passable Constitution and leave
However I know this won't happen. Why it won't happen I don't know. Maybe someone should ask Irving...
Please don't drivel on the monitor.
The fact is that the UN can't handle the job of rebuilding. Unfortunately what the Telegraph fails to admit is that US troops won't be able to do it either.
Nope, only the Iraqis can do it. And if you'll notice above, I'm opposed to more coalition "boots per square inch" in Iraq, they're not needed or wanted, it'll just cause more problems.
And you're right, let's not get sidetracked on the 'patriotic' 'blame the French' kick, it's much more patriotic and fun to kick around the 'neo-cons' and 'chickenhawks'.
Oh and the "democracy won't work" in a country that borders Turkey is pretty humorous. It's not that they are genetically incapable, but there's too much 'believing' going on around them.
Hey, thanks for you point of view!
And that is the bottom line.
Love that fake poll chart ("US giving a s**t" ...)
Nope, not surprised - and I think it's important to remember that 60 years from now, if the Middle East is free, democratic and successful - they won't want to be our biatch either.
But then again I guess they "owe us" for being idiots in two world wars.
Actually, since I wasn't alive from 1900-1950, I don't think they owe us for starting, or precipitously surrendering, any wars. I don't think they owe us for the Marshall plan into the 50s either. The fact that it was the American soldier that stood with the West Germans against Soviet expansion until the wall fell less than a generation ago - nope nothing there either.
What really tees me off is that they would still rather appease a mass murdering tyrant and blame the Anglo-Saxons for the ills in the world. They'll never learn.
Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.