Skip to comments.Letter To Paul Hill [1994 Fla. shooter of abortionist Dr. Britton] [part 9 of 13]
Posted on 06/08/2009 6:51:21 AM PDT by Alex Murphy
Voices of Virtue
But there will still be a few people like yourself: self- appointed voices of virtue on Robespierre's model, who will not accept this political frame of reference. They will move to the next stage. Your position is really quite mild compared to what may come. Your position is that you, as a self-ordained and self-anointed man, have the lawful authority before God to gun down one lone practitioner of abortions and his escort, and put a couple of pellets in his wife while you are at it. That is a mild-mannered position compared to what may come. The real hard- core practitioners of revolutionary virtue are going to understand the logic of your position. You really were not consistent. People say that you finally became consistent with your position, but they are incorrect. You were not consistent with your position because the real position that is consistent with what you are saying is to put bullets into Supreme Court Justices. The real position you are advocating is to gun down every legislator who will not vote against legalized abortions.
Your position is really revolutionary. Open revolution, that is what you are calling for. Your "defensive action" theology is aimed not only at some at local physician who is going to kill two or three babies or ten babies today and more tomorrow. The problem for your theology is the U.S. Supreme Court, which has authorized the killing of a million and a half a year. If the government is the problem ¸ and it surely is the problem ¸ then what is the logic of your position? If you can save a life by gunning down a local abortionist, how many lives can you save if you gun down authorities who have legalized abortion?
You gunned down an abortionist's private escort. What if that bodyguard had been a policeman? What is the difference, given your doctrine? You teach: (1) the individual's right to gun down local abortionists; (2) the individual's right to gun down their bodyguards; and (3) the equal ultimacy of the individual and the civil magistrate in saving lives. So, kill cops.
We saw such a plan in action in Colombia. The drug cartel would gun down judges. They would gun down policemen that opposed them. They understood that their problem was at the top, not at the bottom, and so they offered rewards: $1500 to kill a policeman. They offered more to shoot a judge.
This is where your position is heading. Someone will make the jump which you have been unwilling to take. You shoot down a local abortionist. The policeman arrests a local drug seller. Will either action stop the action? The people at the top are the problem, some follower of yours will conclude. He will see the logic of your position: "If I have the right to gun down a local abortionist, I have the right to gun down his accomplice. If I can lawfully fire a shotgun and wound the escort's wife because she is basically an accomplice, then I have a right to gun down the ministers who excommunicate people for publicly advising the shooting of abortionists. If I have the right to gun down a practitioner, don't I have a right to gun down the judge who has authorized the practice? Don't I have the right to gun down the politician? Don't I have the right to gun down the voter who has voted for the politician, who in fact is in favor of abortion? Don't I have the right to gun down everybody who is pro-abortion. Aren't they all responsible, and if they are, am I responsible for stopping them in any way I can?"
That approach to justice is what the French Revolution rested on. You are creating the legal basis of just such a revolution. You are the self-appointed voice of virtue, and all someone needs to put your theology to work is a guillotine or its technological equivalent. One of your disciples will figure out that the problem is not the guy on the corner who commits the abortions; the problem is the entire society which has approved and authorized and legislated the abortions. There is nothing in your theology to call a halt to someone who takes your principle of revolutionary violence and does his best to impose it. Here is where your theology ends: on the guillotine. It ends with the Robespierres of this world cutting off the heads of tens of thousands, or hundreds of thousands, of the accomplices of evil. That is where it autonomous, "equal ultimacy" revolution always ends when it is not stamped out early. That is where your position ends.
When the individual has the right to take up arms against the local practitioner of evil, even when the practitioner has been authorized by law to practice whatever it is, then the next step has to be to take up arms against his representatives: the judicial representatives of the people. Remember, the people approve. The fundamental problem is the people and the hearts of the people, not some profit-seeking physician around the corner. The real problem, biblically speaking, is the hearts of the people. How are we going to change the hearts of the people by gunning down the physician on the corner?
....Open revolution, that is what you are calling for. Your "defensive action" theology is aimed not only at some at local physician who is going to kill two or three babies or ten babies today and more tomorrow. The problem for your theology is the U.S. Supreme Court, which has authorized the killing of a million and a half a year. If the government is the problem¸ and it surely is the problem ¸ then what is the logic of your position? If you can save a life by gunning down a local abortionist, how many lives can you save if you gun down authorities who have legalized abortion?
Dr George Tiller, the infamous Kansas late-term abortionist was shot to death the last Sunday of May 2009. At some point, comparisons will be made to the shooting deaths of Dr. John Britton and abortion escort/bodyguard James Barrett in the summer of 1994.
This thread series features a letter written to Britton's murderer, Paul Hill while he was awaiting trial for the killings (Hill was convicted, sentenced to death, and executed for the double-murder). The author is "Christian Reconstructionist" writer Gary North. The letter (published in book form under the title Lone Gunners for Jesus: Letters to Paul Hill) articulates a Reformed response to the question of whether the killing of an abortionist can be considered morally justified in Scripture.
Pt 1: Introduction
Pt 2: Judicial Theology
Pt 3: Murder, Defined Biblically
Pt 4: The Fundamental Issue
Pt 5: The Guilt of the Community
Pt 6: The Question of Judicial Representation
Pt 7: Community Standards
Pt 8: The Technology of Low-Cost Murder
Pt 9: Voices of Virtue
Pt 10: Perfectionism and Unlimited Guilt
Pt 11: Non-Violent Resistance
Pt 12: Caught in a Crossfire
Pt 13: Conclusion