Skip to comments.EXCERPTS FROM NAKED COMMUNIST
Posted on 10/04/2004 1:11:51 PM PDT by Exton1
Former FBI agent, Cleon Skoussen, in 1958, in his book, THE NAKED COMMUNIST, revealed among other things, these long term goals of the communist agenda. The information is in the Congressional Record August 1963 and in the Communist Manifesto:
Thank you for this link and for posting it here.
Amateurs Unravel Russia’s Last Royal Mystery
Thank you for the link.
The author was W. Cleon Skousen. He was a senior FBI agent under J. Edgar Hoover. He taught agents and students the history of communism. The book, The Naken Communist, where the manifesto is printed, was a manuscript of his studies. He was encouraged to put this much into a published form, that omits volumes of his work, by Brigham Young University so the knowledge wouldnt be lost.
As far as the Manifesto that you feel was an opinion, it can be found on Page 17 of The Naked Communist with the history of its origins:
November 1874, the Federal Just, later known as the Communist League, invited Marx and Engels to particiate in their second congress as representatives of the Communist organizations in Brussels. Marx and Engels not only attended; but practically took over. The manifesto was written by Marx and Engels as the communist strategy, presented at the meeting and adopted as a declaration of principles as the Manifesto to the World. It was announced as the new program of International Communism.
NOTES - Various Related Info Possibly Related to the SDS/Weathermen
Josif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili (December 21, 1879 - March 5, 1953), better known as Joseph Stalin (Iosef Stalin in an alternative transliteration) was the second leader of the Soviet Union. He was also known as Koba (also Georgian folk hero; see: Koba[?]). The name Stalin (derived from combining Russian stal, “steel” with Lenin) originally was a conspiratorial nickname; however, it stuck to him and he continued to call himself Stalin after the Russian Revolution. Stalin is also reported to have used at least a dozen other names for the purpose of secret communications, but for obvious reasons most of them remain unknown.
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Throughout the Russian revolution in 1905, Dzhugashvili helped in several ways. Throughout 1905, he worked with the Caucasion Workers Newssheet, before continuing on to Baku to gather support for the Bolshevik cause among the poorer workers. In December 1904, Dzhugashvili met Lenin at the first national Bolshevik conference in Tammerfors, Finland, before twice becoming the delegate to the Social Democratic party.
In January 1912, Dzhugashvili was adopted into Lenins underground while in exile. Dzhugashvili escaped two months later and helped to set up a Bolshevik newspaper, called Pravda. The first edition of Pravda showed up two months later, on May 5, 1942. In January of 1943, Lenin and Dzhugashvili met to write a paper on the Bolsheviks stand in regards to minority races. The pamphlet was entitled Marxism and the National Problem, and was again arrested and deported while returning.
During the few years before the war, Dzhugashvili was involved in several papers, during which time he began to use the popular pen-name of Stalin, which meant “Man of Steel”. This name would be forever linked with Iosif Dzhugashvili, and eventually replaced his name. Stalin stayed the entire four years, instead of trying to escape in the past.
Stalin returned to the Pravda on March 25, 1917. Joseph Stalins major break came on April 11, 1917 when he was elected to the Bolshevik partys main committee, but maintained his position with the Pravda. Stalin also backed Lenin throughout his campaign the overthrow of the government, even though Stalin played only a minor role in the actual revolution.
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A reader in Uganda writes that he is constantly harassed by policemen who are looking for him - because of his selling The African Communist.
And in Kenya, despite an African “cabinet”, the British authorties’ ban on our magazine still persists - we hope not for much longer. Mr. Oginga Odinga, M.L.C., writes “with very best wishes” from Nairobi, that “you will be informed as soon as the prohibition of The African Communist is lifted in Kenya”.
A similar position seems to exist in Nyasaland, from where a reader writes: “Our government of Central Africa (chiefly White settlers) does not want these books to come to our attention and once they are found they are just being destroyed.”
But despite all these difficulties The African Communist still finds its way into the hands of readers all over the Continent, even in the most dangerous circumstances. It is inspiring to know that here in the heart of Verwoerd’s Fascist Republic, enthusiastic readers are receiving our journal. Here are some of their comments: “Despite the pressures the government of the Republic exerts and despite the limitations of freedom of speech and thought, we do manage to obtain political pamphlets and papers from all over Africa. Of these The African Communist is of the highest calibre and greatest value in education and enlightenment of the people....
Mayibuye i’Afrika ! - Let Africa Return ! “ (D.K., a student.)
“I am a great reader of The African Communist. I can’t live with- out it. It is like gold.” (B.G., Cape Province.)
“The African Communist is a credit to our Party and our country.” (J.M., Johannesburg.)
We want, once again, to thank all those readers who have taken the trouble to write to us. We cannot print every letter, because we have not enough space, but we can assure you that we treasure every letter like something precious. We do not regard The African Communist just as something we have written and produced for you to read. It is a joint effort of readers and writers; of ourselves and yourselves. And we know very well that without you, our readers, our magazine could not have been successful, nor will it be success- ful in the future. Let us work together, then, to make this an even more powerful weapon for freedom, independence, unity and socialism in Africa.
BOOK REVI EW ~ AFRICA... The Lion Awakes
Africa - the Lion Awakes, by Jack Woddis. Published by Lawrence & Wishart, London.
In Africa - the Lion Awakes, Jack Woddis completes the analysis he commenced in Africa - the Roots of Revolt.
In the first volume “an attempt was made”, he writes, “to explain why the African people are now in such powerful revolt against colonialism”. The present volume is largely devoted to an examination of how the African people have conducted their struggles.
Together these two volumes provide an invaluable Marxist analysis of the main economic and political trends in most of the countries and territories of Africa.
In Africa - the Lion Awakes Woddis presents a careful and cogent analysis, amply supported by statistics, of the struggle of the African ,people for liberation. At the same time he exposes the tactics of the colonial powers in their efforts to retain their grip on Africa.
The first chapter contains a brief but excellent analysis of the changing content of the African liberation struggle since 1885.
Woddis identifies four different stages of this struggle. The first phase was the armed resistance of the African people to the military conquest of Africa by the imperial powers which began in earnest with the “scramble for Africa” in approximately 1885. With the conquest of the various territories by the colonial powers, the struggle entered its second phase - the resistance to and protests against the effects of foreign rule, with land and taxation forming the central issues. In this phase begins the formation of political and national organisations.
The struggles of the African people to win reforms from the colonial powers within the context of colonialism developed gradually into a fight for the ending of colonialism itself. This third phase - the struggle for national independence - entered its most intense stage after the second world war. As Woddis states, “the period from 1945 to 1960 can be characterised as one in which the working class, organised into trade unions, advances to a central position in the national movement; political organisations acquire a mass character and are no longer confined to the most advanced territories, but spring up everywhere; the people pass decisively from defensive protest actions against the effects of imperialist rule to the open challenge to colonial domination itself, to the demand for political power; the tide of anti-imperialist revolt engulfs the whole continent and direct colonial rule is swept away in most of Africa”.
The fourth phase of the struggle was entered into in 1960 in those countries which had won political independence. This phase is characterised by the efforts to consolidate and defend the newly won political independence and to complete the national democratic revolutions.
This book is devoted in the first place to an analysis of the role of the trade union organisations in the third phase of the struggle and the attempts of the imperial powers to stem the tide of national liberation during this phase and in the second place to an analysis of the techniques adopted by these powers, in the fourth phase, to maintain their interest in Africa notwithstanding the achievement of political independence.
Woddis shows in detail the importance of the role played by the trade union movement in the struggle for national independence. While recognising that this struggle was not based solely on the working class, his analysis nevertheless indicates that it was the struggles of the trade unions which gave the national liberation movements their greatest impetus and direction.
Until 1935 throughout Africa the trade unions were repressed by the colonial powers, but as the result of the struggles of the working people and the developments occasioned by the second world war, the unions finally gained recognition. Immediately, the ruling powers adapted their tactics to the new situation. Every effort was made to obtain control of the trade unions by appointing “advisors”; by legislative measures which compelled registration of the trade unions, limited the right to strike, imposed heavy penalties for “illegal strikes” and prohibited unions from participating in political activities. Company unions were cultivated and attempts were made to break the militancy of the unions by encouraging rifts between black and white workers, fostering tribalism, encouraging “Moral Rearmament” and attempting to “buy off” sections of the workers by allowing some to advance to positions in skilled work. Woddis analyses these techniques and shows how they were designed to prevent the linking of the trade union movement with the national struggle for independence and to prevent the break- down of the cheap labour system. Notwithstanding these measures, however, the militant struggles of the workers continued. Strikes were frequent and widespread, as Woddis shows in his detailed statistics, and the unions were inevitably drawn into the anti- imperialist struggle, which was raised to new and more militant levels by these activities.
The culmination of these struggles was the formal granting of independence to numerous former colonial territories by the metropolitan powers. Having been forced to concede political independence to the colonial territories, the imperialist powers began implementing further measures designed to maintain their grip over their former colonies. Just as the colonial powers, having been forced to concede trade union rights, attempted to control the unions, so too, having been forced to grant political independence, these powers now attempted to control the new independent states.Various techniques have been and are being used by the colonial powers to achieve this end.
In the first place, although previously the colonial powers had attempted to prevent the growth of a national bourgeoisie. they now encourage such a development and attempt to find from amongst the emergent bourgeoisie “reliable” leaders to run the Government. Alternatively, all types of schemes of “gradual development”, modified franchises, the removal of the so-called colour-bar pinpricks and such like are utilised. However, because of the difficulty of retaining any form of effective control through either reliable leaders or through such reformist schemes, the imperial powers have resorted to two tactics in particular to retain control of their former colonies in order to protect their interests.
The first is the establishment of massive military bases in various parts of Africa which enable these powers to maintain armies in close proximity to, or in their former colonies. Secondly, the great monopolies continue to invest global amounts in the liberated countries with the effect of maintaining an economic hold on them. For example, the Shell company has investments totalling sixteen million pounds in Nigeria, France has invested five hundred million in the Sahara in regard to certain oil schemes, while the United States, which had invested three hundred and thirteen mil- lion dollars in Africa in 1950, had by 1959 invested two thousand million dollars.
To meet these threats to their independence the newly independent countries are concerned particularly to build modern industry, to nationalise such industries as already exist which are owned by foreign monopolists, and to limit the profits and restrict the export of capital by the foreign monopolies.
Woddis’ analysis reveals the continuous and major defeats suffered by imperialism in the face of the advancing struggle of the African people for national liberation and independence and con- firms once again that the days of colonialism, racialism and oppression in Africa are numbered.
Africa - the Lion Awakes is not without its faults. The statistical material could have been presented in a more organised and accessible manner and insufficient attention has been paid to the political and national organisations.
But these are minor defects. Jack Woddis has written a book of great value to all who are interested in and who are working for African freedom.
The FBI files at this link shows that Frank Davis wrote for the Honolulu Record.
Excerpt: Bill Ayers
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Ayers, W.C. (1969). Thoughts on our schools. In: Dennison, G. The lives of children. New York: Vintage Books, 302 304.
Ayers, W.C. (1968). Travelling with children and travelling on. This Magazine is About Schools, 2 (4), 110 132. Reprinted in: Repo, Satu (1970), ed. This book is about schools. New York: Pantheon Books.
* Ayers, W.C. (1968). Implementing equal educational opportunity. Harvard Educational Review, 38 (1), 142 148. Also published as: Ayers, W.C. (1969). Carolyn and Kelyn. In: Equal Educational Opportunity. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 213 220.
Ayers, W.C. (1968). Education, an American problem. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Radical Education Project.
***Looking for pen names used during the 60s***
Latest book by Ayers:
Bill Ayers’s Fugitive Days: A Memoir and Ronald Radosh’s Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left, the New Left, and the Leftover Left
Radosh was born in New York City to parents who were both members of the Communist Party USA. He has descibed himself as a Red Diaper Baby who attended the Little Red Schoolhouse and Elisabeth Irwin High School. For most of his academic career was intimately associated with leftist causes, e.g., an intellectual defense of the Rosenbergs, initial support for the FMLN and opposition to the Contras, etc., he gradually evolved into a neoconservative polemicist in the mold of his colleagues, David Horowitz and Peter Collier.
Interesting cross reference. Radosh attended the Little Red Schoolhouse.
Stanley Ann Dunham had membership in the East Shore Unitarian Church in Bellevue, WA. According to its own website, East Shore Unitarian Church was nicknamed “The Little Red Church on the Hill”.
Mattachine Society meetings often took place in secret with members using aliases. Like the Communist Party, the organization was organized in a cell structure that was non-centralized so that should a confiscation of records occur only limited information would be available to the authorities.