Alexander Haig seemed to slip off the global stage after his brief stint as
Ronald Reagan's secretary of state. But in fact, he's still very much a
player--making a fortune as he helps corporate America do business with the
world's most repressive regimes.
The early part of 1999 found retired general Alexander Haig in constant
motion. In February, he was off to Seoul, South Korea, where he was a VIP at
Blessing '99, a Unification Church event at which some 40,000 couples exchanged
wedding vows at a sports stadium during a ceremony conducted by Sun Myung Moon
himself. The following month, Haig returned to Palm Beach, Florida--where he
owns a mansion worth more than $ 4 million--for a party to celebrate the 60th
birthday of former Canadian
prime minister Brian Mulroney. In April, Haig was in Washington, D.C., for yet
another birthday party--NATO's 50th--as well as a dinner sponsored by business
groups at the Willard Inter-Continental Hotel in honor of Chinese premier Zhu
Rongji, who was on an
official visit to the U.S. capital. Soon thereafter, Haig was named a
"Strategic Board Advisor" to SDC International Inc., a Palm Beach-based firm that is in negotiations to
acquire Tatra, a Czech truck manufacturer. The press release announcing his
appointment said that Haig would
"draw on his extensive contacts in government, business, and diplomatic circles" in helping SDC export its equipment.
It was a busy period--though not unusually so--for the 74-year-old Haig, whose
years in government paved the way for his later career as a Beltway
wheeler-dealer. Largely out of the public spotlight these days, Haig does not
command the same clout in the United States accorded such better-known
influence peddlers as former national security advisers Brent Scowcroft and
Henry Kissinger. But, like those men, he has many friends abroad--often leaders
in corrupt, dictatorial regimes who are appreciative of the support Haig
offered them or their predecessors while serving in the Nixon and Reagan
administrations. Thanks to such connections, Haig is able to rent out his
services as a door opener for corporations seeking overseas investment
opportunities. He also serves as an unelected foreign-affairs mandarin, with
interests that span the globe from
Washington to Ankara to Beijing and a stature that permits him to pursue the
same imperatives he did as Reagan's first secretary of state: putting commerce
before human rights, peddling weapons abroad, and maintaining political and
military ties with some of the world's most authoritarian regimes.
The revolving door between government and the private sector is commonplace in
Washington, of course. The names of those who have migrated smoothly between
legislative or administrative power and the corporate trough are legion,
including in recent years figures as diverse as former Sen. Bob Dole, retired
Gen. Colin Powell, and former Clinton commerce secretary Mickey Kantor. But
many people, including prominent conservatives in and out of government, say
Haig is a particularly cynical example of a public
official who has cashed in on his credentials. Many of these sources--including some
powerful Beltway
players--demanded anonymity as a condition of speaking with Mother Jones. Not
so retired Army colonel, author, and syndicated columnist David H. Hackworth.
"Haig didn't become a multimillionaire based on his military record or his
brains," he says with characteristic frankness.
"In the military he was the ultimate perfumed prince who brownnosed his way to
the top by always being a horse holder to a top guy.... He didn't invent the
revolving door, but he became the ultimate master at making it spin."
A 1947 graduate of the u.s. military academy and a Korean War veteran, Haig
took a job at the Pentagon during the Kennedy years. Following a tour of duty
in Vietnam, Haig in 1969 was made an aide to Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's
national security adviser.
Like his boss, Haig was a hawk on Vietnam and, during his time in the Nixon
White House, was intimately involved in U.S. plotting against Chile's elected
president, Salvador Allende, overthrown in 1973 by Gen. Augusto Pinochet, with
significant help from the CIA.
By the time the Watergate crisis exploded, Haig had become Nixon's chief of
staff. It was then that he first came into clear public view, for, as others
close to Nixon resigned or were indicted, Haig acted as the president's closest
aide during his final months in office. After Nixon was forced to resign in
1974, President Ford put the loyal Haig in charge of NATO's military
operations. He stepped down from that post in 1979, served a brief stint as
president of defense manufacturer United Technologies Corporation, then signed
on as secretary of
state for the incoming Reagan administration.
So long as a regime, however repressive, allied itself with the United States'
interests in the Cold War, Secretary of State Haig would embrace it--as so many
of his predecessors had done. He supported the apartheid government in South
Africa, pushed for military aid to the junta in Turkey, coddled the Suharto
dictatorship in Indonesia, and was a staunch supporter of the Marcos
kleptocracy in the Philippines. After right-wing government forces in El
Salvador raped and murdered four American churchwomen, Haig responded by
informing a House committee investigating the atrocity that the vehicles the
nuns were riding in may have tried to run a roadblock. Never mind that the
women were found with bullets in the backs of their heads, 20 miles away from
the roadblock in question.
Haig's hardline views were
in line with Reagan's, but his frequent blunders and misstatements embarrassed
the administration. The general's obtuse syntax led the press to coin the term
"Haig-speak" to describe his public pronouncements. Haig is probably best remembered for
his deportment after John Hinckley shot the president at the Washington Hilton
Hotel in March 1981. Vice President George Bush was out of town, and confusion
reigned at the White House. Ignoring the constitutional chain of command that
puts the speaker of the House next in line to assume power, Haig appeared
before a media throng and announced:
"I am in control here." Administration
officials--some of whom feared that Haig's performance was damaging the president's
political standing, others who perceived him as trying to usurp Reagan
entirely--convinced the president to fire Haig after he had served a mere 18
months.
In 1988, Haig made his first and only run for public office when he sought the
Republican presidential nomination. It was not an auspicious debut: The most
influential person to endorse him was political comedian Mort Sahl. Haig pulled
out of the race following the Iowa caucuses, where he finished seventh in a
field of six candidates. With 364 votes--0.3 percent--Haig had less than half
the tally of the sixth-place finisher,
"No preference."
The general's political flameout and lack of popular appeal did not diminish
his marketability with corporate America or the Beltway establishment.
"His involvement in world affairs was a commodity to cash in on," says one retired military man who keeps a close eye on the revolving door.
"When you're a former NATO commander and secretary of state, you don't have to
go looking for [clients]--they come looking for you."
and come they have. a haig biography prepared by Worldwide Associates, his
downtown Washington consulting shop, says his firm assists corporations
"in developing and implementing marketing and acquisition strategies in addition
to providing strategic advice on the domestic and international political,
economic, and security environment." Worldwide's client list is confidential--"People we work with wouldn't want us to talk about where we do business," explains Haig's longtime aide and spokesman, Sherwood Goldberg (Haig himself
declined to be interviewed by Mother Jones)--but a review of published
accounts, public records, and corporate records filed with the Securities and
Exchange Commission reveals a number of interesting details.
Not surprisingly, the general's client roster has included several defense
firms: United Technologies, McDonnell Douglas, Boeing, and International Signal
and Control Corporation,
a company, according to the Wall Street Journal, that paid him to help market
cluster bombs to Pakistan and weapons fuses to
China. In addition, Haig has served on the boards of (among other companies) America
Online, Interneuron Pharmaceuticals, MGM Grand, Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Chase
Manhattan, General Atomics, and Texas Instruments. All of these seemingly
disparate enterprises share a common interest in international markets, a realm
in which Haig's governmental experience and contacts are highly valuable.
(Witness the enthusiastic announcement that accompanied his signing on as an
adviser to SDC International: The company declared that Haig's presence would
assure it of
"tremendous market growth, especially in the many regions where he has strong
personal relationships.")
Though Worldwide Associates' fee schedule is also confidential, public records
make clear that Haig is often amply compensated for his
services. Early this year, he sold--for $ 11.5 million--147,488 shares of
America Online (about 42 percent of his holdings) in the form of stock options
granted to him for serving on the company's board. In 1996, he signed a
contract with a Phoenix firm called Interactive Flight Technologies, which
called for him to be paid $ 50,000 per year plus
"one percent of gross revenues received by the company from customers obtained
through the significant advice or assistance of General Haig."
In the case of United Technologies, certainly, Haig's ties to foreign leaders
have proved golden. The Washington Post reported that in 1983, the year after
he was pushed out as secretary of state, he flew to Manila and helped persuade
then-dictator Ferdinand Marcos to cancel a preliminary sales agreement with
Bell Helicopter. Marcos instead signed a $ 63
million contract for 17 civilian and two Black Hawk military helicopters made
by UT subsidiary Sikorsky Aircraft--a switch opposed by his own Air Force. In
December 1992, Haig traveled to Turkey and helped nail down a $ 1.1 billion
helicopter deal for his employer.
"He was highly regarded and extremely well received by senior
officials in the [Turkish] military establishment," says Morton Abramowitz, U.S. ambassador to Turkey under George Bush.
"They don't necessarily buy things for that reason alone, but it certainly helps
you get a foot in the door and make your case."
as he trots the globe putting together business deals, Haig works to influence
American policy by promoting friendly ties with nations where he and his
clients have business interests. He belongs to a
variety of business-backed organizations that promote trade and fraternal
relations with individual countries, thereby serving as a means for corporate
executives to meet important foreign
officials. One example is the U.S.-China Policy Foundation, which Haig serves as an
"Honorary Advisor." The organization covers airfare for congressional staffers' trips to
China and otherwise seeks
"the continued improvement of U.S.-China relations." Haig is also affiliated with the American-Turkish Council, which works to
bolster business and military ties with Ankara, and the Hannibal Club, which
performs similar activities on behalf of Tunisia.
As with Henry Kissinger, it's often difficult to know where Haig's opinions
end and his business interests begin. Recently, he was a staunch public
advocate for the expansion of NATO, which earlier this year ratified Poland,
Hungary, and the Czech Republic as new members. He was especially active in
pushing for Warsaw's
entry, which he called for in a series of speeches around
official Washington. Haig's role in promoting Poland's NATO membership was important
enough that he was singled out for mention by President Clinton when the
president asked Congress to approve the three countries' admission. Meanwhile,
weapons companies with lobbying staffs in the capital were pressing on the same
front, because incoming NATO members are expected to buy new military equipment
so as to become
"interoperable" with NATO forces. Though Haig's client United Technologies denies that it was
among the arms dealers directly lobbying for NATO expansion, the company was
one of those that met with the Polish defense minister in the United States
earlier this year, and it contributed $ 250,000 toward the cost of a NATO
50th-anniversary event--a contribution aimed at ingratiating event sponsors
with the
three entering alliance members.
Haig has demonstrated remarkable flexibility in selecting clients, being
equally comfortable with despots on the right and left. In 1993, President
Saparmurad Niyazov of Turkmenistan hired the general to advise him on winning
U.S. business and political support for a natural-gas pipeline project that
would cross Iran. Niyazov, a longtime Communist Party hack, was elected in 1992
with 99.5 percent of the votes cast. Human Rights Watch's current world report
said his government
"continued to deny its citizens nearly every civil and political right" while operating
"a Soviet-style secret police" that allowed for
"no political opposition, no freedom of assembly, no opportunity for public
debate."
In seeking to sell the pipeline plan to the Clinton administration, Haig
reportedly helped
arrange a visit by Niyazov to the United States, where he sought to portray his
client as a bold reformer. (The Turkmen ruler
"should be a hero rather than a pariah," Haig told the Associated Press.) Haig himself became one of Niyazov's trusted
advisers. In 1993, he flew to the Turkmen capital of Ashgabat and appeared on
the reviewing stand with Niyazov during independence celebrations. He also
joined the Turkmen leader at the head table for a state dinner that was part of
the festivities.
"For a while there they were joined at the hip," says Allen Moore, head of the U.S.-Turkmenistan Business Council, of the
Haig-Niyazov romance. The pipeline deal was ultimately blocked by the Clinton
administration, which has opposed any economic dealings with Iran.
Haig also lends business a helping hand in Indonesia (though his marquee value
has no doubt diminished
since his ally Suharto was driven from office last year). In March 1997, he
accompanied a group of congressional staffers and corporate
executives--including
officials from Federal Express, Mobil, Caterpillar, and United Technologies--on a tour
there. The trip, which was sponsored by the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council, came
after months of ethnic and religious riots during which hundreds had been
killed. While in Indonesia, the tour group met with Suharto and several
government ministers. Steven Clemons, then a staffer to Sen. Jeff Bingaman, was
on the trip and says Haig's presence was one reason such high-level doors swung
open.
"He was a big deal over there," recalls Clemons, who is now at the New America Foundation, a centrist think
tank. Haig spoke on several occasions during the trip and, Clemons says,
"it was all
warm and fuzzy stuff.... He never had a negative thing to say."
But it is in
China that Haig has carved out a special niche as a door opener for American
companies. The general has been a steadfast advocate for
China ever since he led the advance team for President Nixon's historic 1972 visit.
Later, as secretary of state, he earned the respect of the Chinese leadership
by holding fast against the powerful Taiwan lobby in Washington. (He saw
China as a useful ally in the struggle against the
Soviet Union.) Haig continues to speak out for Beijing in his present role. Perhaps the most
striking example came when he turned up at Tiananmen Square on October 1,
1989--four months after the notorious crackdown--to mark the 40th anniversary
of the founding of the People's Republic. The
only American to grace the proceedings that evening, Haig knew that the United
States and all other Western ambassadors would be boycotting the event, but he
shared the podium with Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who congratulated him on
his courage in appearing.
When Deng's daughter, Deng Rong, visited the United States in 1995, Haig threw
a party for her at Worldwide's Washington offices.
"His remarks that day were extraordinary," says a person who attended.
"He was dripping with contempt for human rights activists who try to influence
China policy." Ironically, it is conservatives--those who share Haig's sensibilities on so
many other issues--who are angriest with him on this score.
"It's tragic that a man who has contributed so much to his country would now
become an apologist for
China," says Ed Timperlake, a
former high-level Pentagon administrator under Ronald Reagan.
Current and former Hill staffers tell Mother Jones that Haig has called
members of Congress on
China's behalf, be it to urge that Beijing be admitted to the World Trade Organization
(WTO) or to suggest that
China have its most-favored-nation trade status renewed.
"He doesn't register as a foreign lobbyist, but he's effectively a voice for a
foreign government," says Mark Lagon, a former foreign-affairs adviser to the Republican House
leadership. A current Hill staffer who closely follows
China says of Haig,
"He's a guy we worry about because every time we try to put together a piece of
legislation [critical of
China], Haig gets on the phone to Republican members and we suddenly find that we've
got less votes than we thought we did."
Haig
spokesman Goldberg denies that his boss has ever called a congressional office
on WTO or most-favored-nation matters. He draws a distinction between lobbying
and what Worldwide Associates does for its clients.
"General Haig does not represent any foreign government or lobby for foreign
governments," he told Mother Jones.
"Promoting American business interests in
China or anywhere else is important to America's economy in an interdependent world.
It's in that regard that we've assessed the
China market [for clients]." Goldberg says that Haig
"promotes a strong, stable, mutually beneficial relationship with
China."
If Haig is valuable to Beijing, the reverse is also true. The general serves
as an adviser to the
China Ocean Shipping Company, the state-owned firm involved in a controversial bid
to take over closed U.S. Navy facilities in
Long Beach, California. Beyond that, when he travels to
China, Haig routinely meets with top
officials, a level of access that has allowed him to help clients sell Beijing everything
from air conditioning equipment to military materiel.
To Goldberg, none of this is inappro-priate.
"General Haig has been out of office for 17 years," he emphasizes.
"He's a private citizen. Former government
officials also have the right to engage in business activities, particularly when those
activities promote American interests." To his critics, though, Haig's relationship with Beijing is based on an
unseemly quid pro quo. As one former GOP government
official remarks,
"It's very simple. If he were critical of
China on human rights or any other issue, his access would dry up and the companies
that use him would no longer do so."
Haig himself would be hard-pressed to disagree with that plainspoken
assessment. It's a clear statement of
a practical political realism--the kind that political theorists call
Realpolitik. That's a philosophy that Alexander Haig learned from old masters
such as Nixon and Kissinger, and that he has carried forward into the private
sector. In diplomacy, the goal of Realpolitik is the pursuit of national
advantage. In business, as Haig's adoption of the venerable doctrine
demonstrates, it can just as easily be profit.
Not for commercial use. Solely to be used
for the educational purposes of research and open discussion.
All,
If you want to learn more see the:
The Almost Complete Guide to Chinese and Chinagate Links on FR |
|
| Site
Index - links to all the pages on the
site. Guides |
Article Topics Nuclear Spying US Dual-Use exports to China China & Russia PRC vs ROC Information Warfare China & Kosovo Human Rights Spratly Islands Dispute Panama Canal 50th Anniversary Missile Defense |
[
Reply | Top | Last ]
Haig continues to speak out for Beijing in his present
role. Perhaps the most striking example came when he turned up at Tiananmen Square on October 1, 1989--four months
after the notorious crackdown--to mark the 40th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. The only American to grace the proceedings that evening, Haig knew that the United States and all other Western ambassadors would be
boycotting the event, but he shared the podium with Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who congratulated him on his
courage in appearing.
**********
Here's an excerpt from "The Coming Conflict with China" by Richard Bernstein and Ross Munro:
"Since 1981, there have been only four years during which Haig did not make at least one trip to China, and on most of those trips he was receivd by China's top leaders, Li Peng and Jiang Zemin, as well as by CITIC chairman Rong Yiren. Haig was the only American who attended China's 1989 National Day celebrations commemorating the founding of the People's Republic, held only four months after the Tiananmen massacre. Haig appeared on the rostrum beside the top Chinese leaders and a couple of days later was received by Premier Li Peng, who gushed: 'The Chinese people will never forget the contributions made by Nixon, Kissinger, Haig, and other old friends to the growth of Sino-U.S. relations.'"
"Meanwhile Haig has written op-ed pieces and made statements in which he has opposed attempts to confront China because of its human rights record and urged the United States to find ever greater means of cooperation. In the spring of 1996, one of the congrssmen trying to attach conditions to he renewal of MFN for China was Christopher Cox, a fast-rising California Republican. Earlier that year, Cox played a key role in shepherding a resolution through the House declaring that the United States was obliged to come to Taiwan's aid if China took military action against it. The introduction of the resolution on March 7, with eighty Democratic and Republican co-sponsors, was instrumental in President Clinton's decision to send a second carrier task force to the Taiwan area. The day before the MFN vote, Haig called Cox and berated him, accusing him of trying to destroy U.S.-China relations. 'Cox was irate', says his aide, Mark P. Legon. 'It was an absolutely unsolicited and inappropriate phone call. We wondered who he's paid by, but we couldn't find out.'"
I've known for a long time that Alexander Haig is a TRAITOR to the United States of America.
FYI
FYI
The man is the is one of the main players in the NWO. When he said he was in control during Reagan, they told him off camera, "Not yet".
Great excerpt! Thanks for posting it. Haig only cares about how much someone can pay him.
An example of MJ excellent reporting.
Jeepers! What a mess..
"Haig only cares about how much money someone can pay him."
You are soooo true. His greed sold his soul and he fiddles the devil's toon.
Thanks very much for this heads up. A great reminder of another player in this game.
Paging Jolly!
Was just communicating with amom, and she requested that I contact you with some data you might find interesting.
I was just listening to Chuck Harder's "For the People" radio show...he was interviewing a guy called Dr. George Friedman....international political analyst....
he stated that there is a shakeup within the Chinese power structure we should be watching....Taiwan has been preparing for the Mainland China confrontation for quite some time now, and they will be a tough nut to crack...stated that the hardliner element of KGB is now in power in russia...they dont care if they never get $ from the West.....would be just as happy to force things toward confrontation....it's the German banks that are the ones highly exposed to the recent Russian "loaning"....the time to hold our breath is when the the German Banks are going to be forced to begin writing off the debts. The act of U.S. trying to forestall human rights violations in Tibet is EXTREMELY dangerous, and WILL tick off the Chinese the more we might pursue it since they see KOSOVO as the pattern....they (Chinese) fear the precedent of Kosovo US/NATO interference...
The Chuck Harder site will repeat the show later on this evening. To find schedule times for internet real audio, CLICK HERE
For Dr. George Friedman's website, http://www.stratfor.com, CLICK HERE.
Dr. Friedman stated that the site is updated QUITE frequently.
Thank you for your hard work Jolly, et al, and I hope this info helps.
Here's some interesting data for ya.
BUMP BTT
[
Refresh
|
Top
|
Last
|
Latest Posts
|
Latest Articles
|
Post
|
Abuse
|
Help!
]
FreeRepublic , LLC, PO BOX 9771, FRESNO, CA 93794 Forum Version 2.0a Copyright © 1999 Free Republic, LLC |