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AI REPORT 1999: |
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At least 150 political prisoners, including 30 prisoners of conscience, were released, many on condition that they leave the country. At least 350 others remained imprisoned, including some 100 prisoners of conscience. Many political dissidents were detained for short periods or harassed. There were frequent reports of ill-treatment. Prison conditions sometimes constituted cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. At least 10 unarmed civilians were shot dead by law enforcement officials who used lethal force unjustifiably. There were at least five executions. New death sentences were passed and several men remained under sentence of death at the end of the year. In April Cuba escaped censure at the un Commission on Human Rights for the first time in seven years, when a us-sponsored resolution was defeated. In October the un General Assembly overwhelmingly demanded an end to the us embargo against Cuba for the seventh year running. In August the un Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination considered Cuba's 10th, 11th and 12th periodic reports. It recognized that Cuba had experienced serious economic difficulties as a result of the embargo. It also expressed appreciation of Cuba's commitment to eliminate all manifestations of racial discrimination and recommended that particular attention be paid to the training of law enforcement officials in the protection of human rights. A visit to Cuba by Pope John Paul ii in January was followed by the release of nearly 300 prisoners, including more than 100 political prisoners, 19 of whom were prisoners of conscience. Thirteen prisoners of conscience were unconditionally released in February, including Héctor Palacio Ruiz (see Amnesty International Report 1998). The other six prisoners of conscience were released in April and May on condition that they went into exile in Canada. Following the Pope's visit, suppression of political dissent continued, but was generally less severe than the previous year. In November, two pris-oners of conscience charged with enemy propaganda _ Jesús Chamber Ramírez (see Amnesty International Report 1994), imprisoned since 1992, and Dr Desi Mendoza Rivero (see Amnesty International Report 1998), imprisoned since 1997 _ were released from prison for humanitarian reasons because of ill health, on condition that they leave the country. Radamés García de la Vega, Vice-President of Jóvenes por la Democracia, Young People for Democracy, who was serving an 18-month sentence of correctional work with internment for disrespect, was released in February, eight months before his sentence expired. Nestor Rodríguez Lobaina, President of Jóvenes por la Democracia, was released in October after completing an 18-month sentence for disrespect and resisting authority (see Amnesty International Reports 1997 and 1998). However, Nestor Rodríguez was detained again for a week in December after protesting at the government's refusal to let him leave the country to attend a conference in France marking the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On his release, he was ordered to go to Baracoa, Guantánamo province, and forbidden from going to Havana, the capital. Six members of the unofficial Partido Pro Derechos Humanos en Cuba (ppdhc), Party for Human Rights in Cuba, arrested in Santa Clara in October 1997 (see Amnesty International Report 1998) remained in detention at the end of the year. They had been detained after starting a fast in protest at the arrest of fellow ppdhc member Daula Carpio Mata. Four of those remaining in detention were serving sentences varying from 16 to 18 months' imprisonment or correctional work with internment. The other two _ Lilian Meneses Martínez and Ileana Peñalver Duque _ were being held in Guamajal Women's Prison, despite the fact that they had been sentenced to 18 months' correctional work without internment. It was estimated that at least 350 political prisoners who had been convicted of state security offences, many after unfair trials, remained imprisoned at the end of the year, including at least 60 prisoners of conscience and possible prisoners of conscience. However, the exact figure was not known because of the absence of official data and the continuing severe restrictions on human rights monitoring. Several members of unofficial groups working in the field of civil and political rights, journalists working for independent press agencies, and human rights activists, were detained for short periods; most were released without charge. Many were subjected to other forms of intimidation, including being refused permission to leave the country with the right to return, and actos de repudio (acts of repudiation) organized by government officials, which involved being verbally abused and sometimes physically assaulted by government supporters. For example, following the arrest of Manuel Antonio González Castellanos, a reporter for the independent press agency Cuba Press, in Holguín in October, his family wrote anti-government slogans on the walls and doors of their home. The next day their home was reportedly surrounded by several hundred people who were shouting threats and abuse. Government agents then forced open the door and beat two members of the family _ Yoani and Leonardo Varona González _ and a visitor, Roberto Rodríguez Rodríguez. Yoani Varona and Roberto Rodríguez were released, but Manuel González and Leonardo Varona remained detained at the end of the year. All four were reportedly charged with disrespect. In September at least eight dissidents were arrested in a crack-down on anti-government activism. Most had taken part in a demonstration outside the court where the trial of Reinaldo Alfaro García (see below) was taking place. All were released without charge within a few days. Two of the detainees _ Dr Oscar Elías Biscet and Rolando Muñoz Yllobre, President and Vice-President respectively of the Fundación Lawton de Derechos Humanos, Lawton Human Rights Foundation _ were detained several times during the year. Lázaro Constantín Durán, one of those detained for demonstrating on the day of Reinaldo Alfaro's trial, was arrested again on 10 December and beaten. On 17 December he was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for dangerousness. On the eve and day of Lázaro Constantín's trial about a dozen people were detained, possibly to prevent them from attending the trial. All were released within a couple of days. In November several people were detained outside the court where the trial of Mario Julio Viera González, Director of the independent press agency Cuba Verdad (Cuba Truth), was to take place. He was accused of slander to the head of the legal department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs because of an article he wrote implying that the government was hypocritical in stating that the proposed international criminal court should be independent and impartial. All the detainees were released without charge, but the trial of Mario Julio Viera González had not taken place by the end of the year. At least 30 political prisoners, including prisoners of conscience, were brought to trial; most had been detained in previous years. Prisoner of conscience Cecilio Monteagudo Sánchez, a member of the unofficial Partido Solidaridad Democrática, Democratic Solidarity Party, who was detained in September 1997, was convicted of enemy propaganda and sentenced to four years' imprisonment in February. The charges related to a leaflet he had written, which was never printed, calling on people not to vote in the October 1997 local elections. Journalist Juan Carlos Recio Martínez, who was tried in the same case, was convicted of other acts against state security and sentenced to one year's correctional work without internment. He was convicted on the grounds that he knew of the existence of Cecilio Monteagudo's leaflet, but did not inform the authorities. In April Julio Cesar Coizeau Rizo, who had been detained in October 1997, was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for disrespect, reportedly because he had written anti-government graffiti on public walls. In August Reinaldo Alfaro García, a political activist detained in May 1997, was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for spreading false news against international peace. The charge reportedly related to a statement he had made in 1995 to a us-based radio station in which he reported that a military officer had gone missing and later died and that a woman had told him that she had been tortured. At Reinaldo Alfaro's trial, which took place at the Havana People's Provincial Court, the alleged torture victim and the mother of the military officer both appeared as witnesses and denied the allegations. However, there were reports that the alleged torture victim who appeared in court was not the same woman who had made the torture allegation to Reinaldo Alfaro. In addition, several witnesses were not allowed to testify. In September, four members of a dissident study group arrested in July 1997 after criticizing a document disseminated for the Fifth Congress of the Partido Comunista de Cuba, Cuban Communist Party (see Amnesty International Report 1998), were formally charged with other acts against state security in relation to the crime of sedition. Their trial had not taken place by the end of the year. Trials in political cases again fell far short of international standards of fairness. Defendants in cases heard by municipal courts, often only hours or days after arrest, sometimes had no legal representation. Detainees held under investigation on state security charges often had very limited access to lawyers while in pre-trial detention at police stations or at State Security headquarters and were sometimes subjected to psychological pressure, such as solitary confinement, long intense interrogations, threats and insults. Several prisoners were beaten by police at the time of arrest or by prison guards in detention centres. In April prisoner of conscience Bernardo Arévalo Padrón was beaten in Cienfuegos Provincial Prison, Ariza, reportedly because it was mistakenly believed that he had distributed anti-government propaganda within the prison. According to reports, he was badly bruised and suffered memory loss as a result of the beatings. Prison conditions continued to be poor and in some cases constituted cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. There were allegations that prisoners were subjected to threats, discrimination on political grounds and verbal abuse. During the year, two prisoners _ Jesús Chamber Ramírez and Jorge Luis García Pérez (known as Antúnez) (see Amnesty International Reports 1994 and 1998) _ were held in isolation cells where the lighting, ventilation and hygiene were said to be very poor. Some prisons were said to have a high incidence of disease as a result of poor sanitation and nutrition and a scarcity of water. The effects of the us embargo on the availability of medicines and equipment contributed to the problem. However, there were reports that medical attention and food were often deliberately withheld as a punishment. At least 10 unarmed people died after being shot by the police who used lethal force unjustifiably. In May Yusel Ochoterena López died in Havana, reportedly after police officers entered his home and shot him, mistaking him for a fugitive who was apparently in the area. A police investigation was reportedly held but no one was brought to justice. At least five people were executed during the year. Among them were Emilio Betancourt Bonne and Jorge Luis Sánchez Guilarte, who were executed in May. An appeal by Humberto Real Suárez (see Amnesty International Reports 1997 and 1998), who had been sentenced to death in 1996, was still pending before the People's Supreme Court at the end of the year. Several new death sentences were issued and several men remained on death row at the end of the year. Throughout the year Amnesty International appealed for the release of all prisoners of conscience and urged that those facing trial for politically motivated offences be granted full judicial guarantees in accordance with international standards. Appeals were also sent on behalf of prisoners in need of medical attention. The organization called for all prisoners to be provided with nutrition, medical care and sanitation in keeping with the standards of the general population and for independent and impartial investigations into allegations of ill-treatment. No replies were received from the authorities.
COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This report is an extract from the Amnesty International Report 1998 and is copyright (c) Amnesty International Publications. You may not alter this information, repost or sell it without the permission of Amnesty International. The complete edition of the Report, covering more than 140 countries and territories,is published in several languages and is available from Amnesty International sections or, in case of difficulty, from the International Secretariat. Additional places where you can purchase copies of the Annual Report can be found here. |
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BACKGROUND
Legal framework
Arbitrary detention
SHORT TERM DETENTION AND HARASSMENT
Short term detention
(a) Recent examples of mass detentions
(b) Examples of people frequently detained
Eviction
Restrictions on movement
(a) Internal exile
(b) Denial of right to leave the country
(b) Forced exile
Threats
Summonses
Loss of employment
House searches
House arrest
Physical and verbal acts of aggression carried out by government
supporters
RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE CUBAN GOVERNMENT
Although the number of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience has decreased in recent years and long prison sentences for those considered by the government to be counter-revolutionaries are less common than in the past, other forms of punishment such as those mentioned above have become more frequent. Some dissidents, including journalists, members of independent political parties and human rights defenders, have gone into exile to escape continual persecution.
In a 1997 resolution, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights urged the Cuban Government to ensure freedom of expression and assembly and freedom to demonstrate peacefully, including by allowing political parties and non-governmental organizations to function freely in the country and by reforming legislation in this area. See footnote 1 1
Following Pope John Paul II's visit to Cuba in January 1998, there was a brief improvement in the human rights situation and about 100 political prisoners were released, including 19 people declared by Amnesty International to be prisoners of conscience. However, in late 1998 frequent detentions and harassment resumed.
BACKGROUND
Legal framework
President Fidel Castro became head of state in 1959,
after leading a guerrilla campaign that
ousted right-wing dictator Fulgencio Batista. Fidel Castro's
party, the Cuban Communist
Party, el Partido Comunista de Cuba, remains the only legal political party and no
independent organizations or labour unions are permitted.
It is also illegal to leave the island without permission from the authorities. Those caught
attempting to do so are liable to be charged with salida ilegal del territorio nacional,
illegal exit from national territory.
Dissidents who are brought to trial are often convicted of offences such as propaganda
enemiga, enemy propaganda, desacato, disrespect, or desórdenes públicos,
public disorder. See footnote 2
2
Amnesty International notes that such vague or ambiguous offences can
undermine the right to liberty and security of the individual laid out in article 3 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). See footnote 3
3
According to several decisions by the
United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD), to take one example, the
crime of public disorder under the Cuban Penal Code is a vague accusation which does
not warrant detention, See footnote 4
4
contravening international standards requiring adequate
characterization of the conduct prohibited by offences.
Freedom of expression is severely restricted by law. Article 53 of the Cuban Constitution of 1976, as revised in 1992, purports to allow freedom of speech and press but only in keeping with the objectives of socialist society.
Article 54 states that the rights to assembly, demonstration and association are exercised
by workers, both manual and intellectual, peasants, women, students and other sectors of
the working people, and they have the necessary means to do so. The mass and social
organizations have all the facilities they need to carry out such activities for which their
members enjoy full freedom of speech and opinion, based on the unlimited right of
initiative and criticism.
However, such rights are not permitted if they are contrary to the goals of the socialist
state (Article 62 of the Constitution). Article 208 of the Cuban Penal Code states that
Anyone who belongs as a member or associate to an unregistered association will incur
a sanction of one to three months' imprisonment or a fine.
The rights of political detainees to a fair trial are severely limited. The courts and prosecutors are government-controlled. Article 73 of the Constitution states that Cuba's National Assembly should elect the President, Vice-President and the other judges of the Peoples' Supreme Court; elect the Attorney General and the deputy attorneys general. According to Article 122 of the Constitution, the courts are subordinate to the National Assembly and the Council of State, which is considered the supreme representation of the Cuban State (Article 87 of the Constitution).
There are particular problems related to adequate access to defence counsel. Lawyers, who are all employed by the Cuban State, are often reluctant to seriously challenge the arguments put forward by the prosecutors and the Department of State Security, the security service usually responsible for investigating cases of a political nature. During the initial period of detention detainees are frequently held for weeks or months without access to a lawyer and subjected to psychological pressures to sign incriminating statements. Though they are usually permitted family visits, these take place in the presence of an official and they are forbidden to talk about anything relating to the reasons for their detention or the treatment they are receiving.
Arbitrary detention
Arbitrary deprivation of liberty is expressly prohibited by article 9 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and article 25 of the American Declaration of the Rights and
Duties of Man, among other instruments. In defining its work in this area, the United
Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) has established criteria for
determining when detention is arbitrary. These criteria include when there is no legal
grounds for detention; when the deprivation of freedom relates to the exercise of certain
freedoms or rights protected by international law; or when the right to fair trial has not been
respected. See footnote 5
5
As noted above, many prisoners of conscience and political prisoners are detained under national legislation limiting the exercise of freedom of expression, association and assembly. At the beginning of its tenure, the Working Group was asked by the Cuban Government to comment on the value to be attached to national legislation in evaluating whether deprivation of liberty is arbitrary. In response, the Working Group developed the following guideline:
The legal framework within which the Working Group will have to carry out its
mandate is made up primarily of international standards and legal instruments, but
in certain instances of domestic legislation as well. The Working Group will thus
have to look into domestic legislation in investigating individual cases, where it will
have to determine whether internal law has been respected and, in the affirmative,
whether this internal law conforms to international standards. It may thus have to
consider, in certain cases where there are alleged practices of arbitrary detention,
whether they have not been made possible as a result of laws which may be in
contradiction with international standards. See footnote 6
6
Since its creation in 1991, the WGAD has raised a number of individual cases with the Cuban
Government, and has determined that more than twenty individuals among those whose
detentions were under review were arbitrarily deprived of liberty. The criterion most often cited
as grounds for declaring these detentions to be arbitrary was that pertaining to the exercise of
fundamental freedoms and rights.
The WGAD has repeatedly urged the Cuban Government to
bring its legislation into conformity with international standards in this regard.
SHORT TERM DETENTION AND HARASSMENT
Those who are seen to be undertaking activities that are considered to be in opposition to government policies or practices take great risks and may be subjected to a range of repressive measures. Such activities include holding meetings, distributing anti-government propaganda, writing articles critical of the government or shouting anti-government slogans. The following are currently some of the most frequently used measures by the government to combat dissent:
Short term detention
Short-term detentions of dissidents are becoming more and more frequent, including some
incidents of mass detentions. Detainees are normally held for a few hours or sometimes
days in police stations or other detention centres, during which time they are often subjected
to long interrogations, threats, periods of solitary confinement, deprivation of light and in
some cases beatings. Detainees are normally threatened with imprisonment if they do not
give up their counter-revolutionary activities or go into exile. They are often not
permitted to see a lawyer or family members during this period. Amnesty International is
concerned that the practice of short term detention of dissidents risks undermining respect
for international principles and standards regarding deprivation of liberty and freedom of
expression, association and assembly.
(a) Recent examples of mass detentions:
On 7 and 8 September 1998 at least ten dissidents were detained in the biggest crackdown on anti-government activism since the Pope's visit. Most of the detainees had taken part in a demonstration outside the court where Reinaldo Alfaro García, vice-president of the unofficial Asociación de Lucha Frente a la Injusticia (ALFIN), Association for Struggle against Injustice, and a member of the unofficial Partido Solidaridad Democrático (PSD), Democratic Solidarity Party, was tried in August 1998. All were released without charge within one to six days.
On 27 November 1998 several people were detained after protesting outside the courtroom where the trial of Mario Julio Viera González, director of the independent press agency, Cuba Verdad, Cuba Truth, was to take place. The demonstration outside the courtroom reportedly began peacefully but turned violent when members of the Brigadas de Respuesta Rápida, Rapid Response Brigades See footnote 7 7 , State Security agents and police, came to the scene and began to beat the demonstrators with clubs. Several demonstrators shouted anti-government slogans and were detained. All of the detainees were released without charge, most of them the following morning. However, on 4 December 1998 Milagros Cruz Cano, who is blind, was re-detained by State Security officials whilst waiting for a bus. She was initially held at the Maria Luisa police station in Havana where she was reportedly beaten by police officers which resulted in a swollen cheek and a bruise and scab below her eye. She was then transferred to Mazorra psychiatric hospital in Havana where she was held in an isolated cell called Córdoba. The conditions of detention were said to be degrading as she was held in a cell with iron bars which other patients and guards could see into and where she had to carry out all personal hygiene. She was released on 14 December 1998 without charge.
On 10 December 1998 several people were detained prior to a celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. According to reports, hundreds of members of the Unión de Jóvenes Comunistas, Union of Communist Youth, and other government sympathisers, came to the Butari Park in Havana where the celebration was to take place and beat one man who shouted anti-government slogans and attacked foreign journalists. All the detainees were subsequently released without charge.
On 15 and 16 December 1998 about a dozen people were detained, possibly to prevent them from attending the trial of Lázaro Constantín Durán, the leader of the Club de Amigos del Colegio de Pedagogos Independientes, Friends Club of the College of Independent Teachers. All were released within a couple of days.
On 14 January 1999 about a dozen people were reportedly detained, allegedly to stop them from participating in a march to commemorate the anniversary of the birth of US civil rights activist, Martin Luther King. All were subsequently released.
Between 22 and 27 January 1999 at least a dozen dissidents were detained, allegedly to prevent them from taking part in several public events planned for January: members of the Fundación Lawton de Derechos Humanos, Lawton Human Rights Foundation, reportedly held a public meeting calling on people to join their peaceful struggle; a pilgrimage was held on 25 January, to mark the anniversary of a mass that took place on Pope John Paul II's last day in Cuba in 1998; and on 28 January a peaceful human rights demonstration was scheduled in celebration of the birth of Cuban national hero José Martí. All detainees were subsequently released.
In late February 1999 dozens of dissidents were detained or held under house arrest, presumably to prevent them going anywhere near the vicinity of the trial on 1 March of four members of the Grupo de Trabajo de la Disidencia Interna para el Análisis de la Situación Socio-Económica Cubana, Internal Dissidents' Working Group for the Analysis of the Cuban Socio-Economic Situation ( Félix Antonio Bonne Carcasés, René Gómez Manzano, Vladimiro Roca Antúnez and Marta Beatriz Roque Cabello).
In August 1999 some two dozen dissidents were temporarily detained, reportedly to prevent them from carrying out anti-government protests, one of which was called by the ecological group Naturpaz and was to take place in Lenin Park, Havana. The other was to take place in Pedro Betancourt, Matanzas province. One of the detainees, Dr. Oscar Elías Biscet González, president of the Lawton Foundation for Human Rights, claimed that he was threatened with imprisonment if he did not leave the country.
In September 1999, seven opposition activists were detained in Butari Park, Havana, where they were holding an informal class on civil disobedience. The detainees were all taken to a police station and then to the Departamento Técnico de Investigaciones (DTI), Technical Investigations Department, in Havana. Five of the detainees were released shortly afterwards, but Marcel Valenzuela Salt and Marlon Cabrera Rivero remained in detention for two weeks.
In October 1999 at least a dozen people were detained after congregating at the house of
Maritza Lugo Fernández for a meeting called by the Foro Tercer Milenio, the Third
Millennium Forum, a group of non-governmental organizations which had written to Ibero-
American presidents calling for human rights and democracy in Cuba.
In November and December 1999 some 260 dissidents were detained around the time of
the Ibero-American Summit See footnote 8
8
in Havana. Many more were placed under house arrest. At the
time of writing this document, ten of those remain in detention. They are prisoners of
conscience
José Aguilar Hernández,
Dr. Oscar Elías Biscet González,
Diosado
González Marrero,
Maritza Lugo Fernández
, Angel Moya Acosta,
Carlos Oquendo
Rodríguez,
Ariel Sigler Amaya
, Guido Sigler Amaya, and Marcel Valenzuela Salt; and
possible prisoner of conscience Fermín Scull Zulueta.
(b) Examples of people frequently detained:
José Aguilar Hernández
of the Movimiento 13 de Julio, 13 July Movement, was most
recently detained
on 17 December 1999 whilst taking part in a march, chained to other
dissidents, to the Saint Lazarus religious shrine, demanding the release of political
prisoners and respect for human rights. According to reports, he and three others were
beaten by the police on arrest. They have reportedly been charged with resistencia,
resistance and desórdenes públicos, public disorder but no date has been set for a
trial.
At the time of writing he remains in detention at the Valle Grande Prison. He was also
detained in July, August and September 1999,
several times in November 1999, and
in
December 1999,
prior to or after taking part in peaceful anti-government activities.
Dr. Oscar Elías Biscet González, a physician, has reportedly been detained over two
dozen times since June 1998. Most recently, he was detained on 3 November 1999 as he
was about to organize a protest march to take place on 10 November. He was subsequently
charged with ultraje a los símbolos de la patria, insult to the symbols of the homeland.
This carries a maximum sentence of one year's imprisonment. The charge was reportedly
brought against him because a Cuban flag was hung sideways in his home during a press
conference on 28 October 1999. The prosecutor's petition which was issued in February
2000 stated that he was also charged with public disorder and instigación a delinquir,
instigation to commit a crime. On 29 November 1999 he was temporarily moved from
a detention centre in Mazorra psychiatric hospital where the authorities reportedly tried to
carry out some psychological tests on him; he refused to participate.
On 25 February 2000 he was tried and found guilty of all three charges and sentenced to
three years' imprisonment.
In an example of earlier detentions, on 14 August 1999 he was detained along with four
other people in a park in Pedro Betancourt, Matanzas province. They had gathered in the
park to give a talk on civic resistance. After being detained, Oscar Biscet reportedly said
to a police officer Dios te ama, God loves you. He was then reportedly beaten about
the face and neck and his elbow was burned with a cigarette by policemen. Oscar Biscet
was then allegedly put in a single cell and forced to strip naked and beaten and kicked. He
was later transferred to the DTI where he was interrogated and threatened with
imprisonment if he organised any other dissident activity. He was released on 16 August
1999.
Alejandro Chang Castillo of the Hermandad Cívica, Civic Brotherhood, was detained on 8 November 1999 and released the following day. His organization, which was created in August 1999, had planned to hold a peaceful march on 10 November in the Butari Park but was prevented from doing so by State Security. In July, August, September and October 1999 Alejandro Chang Castillo was also temporarily detained, usually after preparing to take part in peaceful anti-government activities, such as giving a class on non-violent ways to promote social change.
José Orlando González Bridón, president of the Confederación de Trabajadores Democráticos de Cuba, Democratic Workers' Union, and a writer for the independent press agency Cuba Press, has been detained on numerous occasions. For example, on 20 January 2000 he was detained and interrogated for several hours about his journalistic work. He was reportedly threatened with being charged under Law 88 See footnote 9 9 for discrediting the Cuban state. Prior to that, on 25 December 1999 his home was surrounded by members of State Security who would not allow him or his family to leave the house. He was detained that morning when he tried to leave and was taken to a police station where he was held until the evening. Later that day, when his wife, María Esther Valdés Suárez, tried to leave the house she was also reportedly detained at the DTI until later that evening. María Valdés was reportedly pushed by members of State Security at the time of detention in the presence of witnesses.
José González was also detained on 16 December 1999 in the cell of a police station in San Miguel del Padrón. Prior to that he was detained in January, July, September, October, November and December 1999, in December 1998, and in February, April and August 1997 and in 1996. In September 1998 graffiti was reportedly painted on his home and garbage piled outside his front door.
William Ernesto Herrera Díaz, president of the Liga Cívica Martiana, Civic Martian League, was detained on 23 December 1999 shortly after calling on people to participate in a pilgrimage on 25 December. He was subsequently released on 3 January 2000. He was also detained on 1 December 1999 and reportedly interrogated for seven hours by State Security officials. They reportedly questioned him about some filming that he was alleged to have done and that was broadcast abroad. According to a statement by William Herrera, he did not do the filming and he was threatened with being sentenced to 18 years' imprisonment for providing information to the enemy and for dissemination of false news. He was also detained on 14 December 1999 when he was due to attend a mass for political prisoners and to make an appeal to governments attending the Ibero-American Summit. He was released the following day, reportedly after a lengthy interrogation. William Herrera has been detained or summoned on many other occasions in the past.
Librado Linares García, Secretary General of the Movimiento Reflexión, Reflection Movement, was detained on 9 November 1999, the day he was to take part in a meeting of unofficial organizations. He was released a few days later. He had been detained or summoned on several occasions in the past, for example he was detained for short periods in July, September and October 1997.
Maritza Lugo Fernández, Vice-president of the unofficial Partido Democrático 30 de Noviembre "Frank País, 30 November Frank País Democratic Party, has been detained on numerous occasions over the past few years. Most recently, she was detained on 23 December 1999 prior to taking part in a religious pilgrimage and remains imprisoned at the DTI, although no charges have been brought against her as yet. She was also temporarily detained on 4 December 1999 and on 12 November 1999 prior to the Ibero-American Summit, and on 20 October 1999 after a meeting called by the Foro Tercer Milenio (see page 5 above) was held at her house.
She had previously been detained on 15 August 1997 and subsequently sentenced to two years' "limitation de libertad", "restricted freedom See footnote 10 10 , charged with "cohecho", "bribery", on the grounds that she bribed a prison guard to smuggle money and a tape recorder into a prison. In February 1999 she was detained and her sentence was changed to imprisonment, reportedly for violating the order of restricted freedom. She was held in the Centro de Reeducación de Mujeres de Occidente, Women's Re-education Centre in Havana (the main prison for women nicknamed "Malto Negro") until her release on 28 September 1999.
Héctor Palacios Ruiz, ex-president of the Partido Solidaridad Democrático, and founder of the Centro de Estudios Sociales, Centre for Social Studies, has been detained several times in recent years. In September 1997 he was sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment for "disrespect towards President Fidel Castro. He had been detained on 9 January 1997 following an interview with a German television station in which he criticised the Cuban Government and referred to declarations made by President Fidel Castro at the Sixth Ibero- American Summit in Chile in November 1996. He was released in February 1998 following Pope John Paul II's visit to Cuba.
He was also temporarily detained in November 1999 prior to attending a meeting of anti- government activists prior to the Ibero-American Summit. He had previously been detained for four days in February 1996 and for a few days in August 1994.
Angel Pablo Polanco, a journalist for the independent press agency Cooperativa de Periodistas Independientes, Cooperative of Independent Journalists, and the director of Noticuba (also an independent press agency, created in November 1999) was recently detained on 10 November 1999 and held for one week, allegedly to prevent him from reporting on or attending any dissident activities organised during the time of the Ibero- American Summit. He has been detained on numerous occasions in the past, including January, August, September and October 1999.
Marcos Lázaro Torres León, a member of the Partido Democrático 30 de Noviembre "Frank País has been detained for short periods on numerous occasions. Most recently he was detained on 23 December 1999 as he was due to take part in a religious pilgrimage, along with Maritza Lugo Fernández of the same party. He was subsequently released on 3 January 2000. Prior to that he was detained on 4 December 1999 and held until 11 December 1999; detained twice in November 1999 around the time of the Ibero-American Summit; in October 1999 before he was due to attend a meeting held by the Foro Tercer Milenio; in August 1999 whilst he and a group of dissidents were carrying out an anti- government protest in a park in Pedro Betancourt, Matanzas province; in August and September 1997; and in May and July 1996.
Marcel Valenzuela Salt
of Hermandad Cívica was detained along with three others on
17 December 1999 (see José Aguilar Hernández case, page 9). They have reportedly been
charged with resistance and public disorder but no date has been set for a trial.
According to reports Marcel Valenzuela Salt was transferred to the Carlos J. Finlay
military hospital as he is suffering from an ulcer, high blood pressure and pneumonia.
Marcel Valenzuela Salt was also briefly detained in July, August, September, October, November and December 1999. On 14 September 1999 Marcel Valenzuela Salt and Marlon Cabrera Rivero, also a member of Hermandad Cívica, were detained, along with five others, in the Butari Park in Havana where they were holding an informal class on civil disobedience. The detainees were all taken to a police station and then to the DTI in Havana. According to Dr. Oscar Elías Biscet González, who was detained with them, Marlon Valenzuela was hit in the face by a plain-clothes policeman . Both men were released on 29 September 1999.
Eviction
Eviction is another less common method of repression used by the authorities to suppress
dissidence. Victims are ordered to leave their homes and reportedly sometimes transferred
to crowded shelters for the homeless. Amnesty International is concerned that incidents in
which eviction is threatened or carried out allegedly for political motives or as a means of
suppressing freedom of expression, association and assembly undermine respect for the
principles articulated in article 12 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This
article states that no one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy,
family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation, and other
related rights.
For example, in August 1999, as well as being temporarily detained, opposition activist Ramón Humberto Colás Castillo, was evicted from his home in Las Tunas province, along with his wife, Berta Mexidor Vázquez, and their two children. Ramón Colás and Berta Mexidor, who were both founders of the first independent library in Cuba, had lived in their home for 13 years before being told they were illegal occupants. According to Berta Mexidor, the authorities removed all their belongings into lorries in spite of their protests and told them they were been moved to another area, some 60 kilometres from their home. They were later taken to a military camp where some 300 people were reportedly housed. According to reports, the family are currently staying with relatives.
In January 1999 Margarita Sara Yero, an independent journalist working for Cuba Press in Santiago de Cuba province, was reportedly informed that she had to vacate the home where she had lived for some 35 years. The reason given by the authorities was reportedly that she had abandoned her home and was the owner of another. Margarita Yero's lawyer then wrote to the Dirección Municipal de Vivienda, Municipal Housing Office, with signatures from neighbours confirming that she had never abandoned her home. However, on 2 February 1999 she reportedly received a reply to the letter stating that she would be evicted on 4 February 1999. Due to help from various local organizations and a statement by an old friend who confirmed that she had been living in that place since 1963, the eviction was not carried out.
Restrictions on movement
The Cuban Government imposes restrictions of one kind or another on the movement of
Cuban citizens, often in an arbitrary fashion, sometimes preventing certain people from
leaving or returning to the country, at other times actively encouraging or forcing so-called
counter-revolutionaries to go, and sometimes restricting their movement within certain
areas of Cuba. Amnesty International is concerned that such practices to stifle dissent
violate fundamental freedom of expression, association and assembly and undermine
respect for the rights to movement laid out in article 13 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and article 8 of the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man.
(a) Internal exile
In October 1999 Reverend Santos Osmani Domínguez Borja was sent to Holguín province, over 700 kilometres from his home. He and Reverend Lázaro William Urbina Dupont had both been temporarily detained after formally requesting permission from the government to hold an act of public worship.
Ex-prisoner of conscience, Nestor Rodríguez Lobaina, president of the unofficial Movimiento Cubano Jóvenes por la Democracia, Cuban Youth Movement for Democracy, was temporarily detained in December 1998 after making a personal protest at the refusal of the Cuban Government to grant him permission to leave the country to attend a conference in Paris marking the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to which he had been invited by Amnesty International and other non-governmental organizations. He was released a week later and ordered to go and live in Baracoa, Guantánamo province, where he had been born. He was also forbidden from going to Havana.
I n June 1996 Nestor Rodríguez and Radames García de la Vega, vice-president of the Movimiento Cubano Jóvenes por la Democracia , were detained in Havana and charged with disrespect and resistance. They were sentenced respectively to twelve and six months' restricted freedom, as well as to destierro, internal exile or confinement See footnote 11 11 , for a period of five years. They were ordered to return to their home towns in eastern Cuba and to remain there. The detention of the two men was reportedly related to their attempts to organize a movement for university reform in Havana. The sentence of destierro is believed to have been imposed to prevent them from returning to the capital to carry on with their activities. They were subsequently escorted to their respective homes, Nestor Rodríguez to Baracoa, Guantánamo province, and Radames García de la Vega to Palma de Soriano, in the province of Santiago de Cuba.
Amnesty International is concerned that such punishments, particularly if intended to punish exercise of freedom of expression, association and assembly, contravene international standards, including those regarding freedom of association and movement.
(b) Denial of the right to leave the country
Anyone who wish to leave Cuba, either temporarily or permanently, has to seek permission
to do so from the Cuban authorities as well as obtain a visa for another country.
Members
of certain professions such as doctors, government officials and former members of the
armed forces are usually prevented from emigrating.
Sometimes, in the case of known
dissidents or former political prisoners, even when they obtain a visa, the authorities simply
refuse to let them leave or delay their departure for no apparent reason.
For example, many
who have requested permission to travel abroad temporarily to take up invitations to attend
conferences and other events have been prevented from leaving the country.
Recent cases include the following, all members of unofficial groups of different kinds: prominent human rights activist Elizardo Sánchez Santa Cruz, president of the Comisión Cubana de Derechos Humanos y Reconciliación Nacional, Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation; Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas, president of the Movimiento Cristiano Liberación, Christian Liberation Movement; Raúl Rivero Castañeda, president of Cuba Press; Oswaldo Alfonso Valdés, president of the Partido Liberal Democrático, Liberal Democratic Party; Fernando Sánchez López, president of the Partido Solidaridad Democrático.
In October 1999, Magaly de Armas, the wife of prisoner of conscience Vladimiro Roca
Antúnez, was refused permission to go to the United States in order to receive an award
from the Inter-American Press Society. The prize was awarded to her husband and three
other prisoners of conscience belonging to the Grupo de Trabajo de la Disidencia Interna
para el Análisis de la situación Socio-Económica Cubana, all of whom are currently
serving prison sentences for
otros actos contra la seguridad del estado, other acts
against state security, relating to a crime of sedición, sedition.
Following his conditional release in March 1999, Reinaldo Alfaro García,
vice-president
of the Asociación de Lucha Frente a la Injusticia,
applied for political asylum in the United
States, which was reportedly granted to him. However, he has still not managed to obtain
permission from the Cuban authorities to leave the country.
In October 1999, Mario J Viera González, director of the independent press agency Cuba Voz was refused permission to go to the United States, where he had been granted political asylum.
Sometimes ex-political prisoners who are released on condition that they leave the country and subsequently go into exile, are further punished by not being permitted to be joined by their family. An example of this is the case of ex-prisoner of conscience Luis Grave de Peralta Morell, who has been separated from his family since his release and forced exile in February 1996.
A mi me ofrecieron salir del país. El jefe de la Seguridad del Estado de Santiago de Cuba me dio a escoger: O sales del país o te quedas preso. Nunca se me propuso ser liberado dentro de Cuba... Yo había expresado varias veces que si se me daba a escoger entre ser deportado o excarcelado dentro del país, yo siempre escogería estar libre dentro de mi país, pero que entre estar preso o ser un deportado prefería ser un deportado. Repito, no se me dio ninguna alternativa. [Translation: They offered me the chance to leave the country. The head of State Security from Santiago de Cuba told me to choose: Either you leave the country or you stay a prisoner. They never proposed releasing me inside Cuba... I had said several times that if they gave me the choice of being deported or released inside the country, I would always choose to be free inside my own country, but that given the choice of being a prisoner or being deported, I would prefer to be deported. I repeat, they gave me no other alternative.] See footnote 12 12
The wife and children of Luis Grave have still not been permitted to leave Cuba in spite of having all their documentation and funds in place for several years. No explanation has been given by the Cuban authorities.
If they are lucky enough to be granted permission to leave the country temporarily, those
who stay outside Cuba beyond the period for which permission was granted sometimes face
difficulties if they later decide to return, especially if they are known to be critical of the
government or are considered to have in some way betrayed the country by failing to return.
Generally, such people are reportedly considered to have relinquished their right to return
and their home and other belongings can be confiscated by the state. The time limit for
temporary periods outside Cuba is said to be up to 11 months.
Such limitations on travel have forced many people to resort to leaving the country without
permission, usually by sea.
Those who seek to emigrate or flee the country by illegal means
are generally considered by the authorities to have betrayed the Cuban Revolution in doing
so.
Those who are caught trying to flee illegally can be charged with Salida Ilegal del
Territorio Nacional, Ilegal Exit from National Territory (articles 216 and 217 of the
Cuban Penal Code) which carries a maximum sentence of three years if they have not used
violence or up to eight years if force or intimidation is used See footnote 13
13
, though in the former case it
is unusual these days for anyone to be imprisoned simply for leaving the country illegally.
However, they are likely to be subjected to other forms of punishment, such as harassment
and the inability to find employment. In September 1999, the Cuban Government
announced that any Cuban who left Cuba illegally after 9 September 1994 would not be
allowed to return to the island.
(c) Forced exile
In Cuba usually the only way to obtain early release from prison has been for the prisoner to accept to go into exile, and a number of foreign personalities have been able to obtain such releases for certain detainees in recent years. It is clear that it is a deliberate policy on the part of the government to prevent those who disagree with it from participating in civic life. Amnesty International considers release under such conditions to be a further form of punishment.
Those who go into exile, either voluntarily or forcibly, are often prevented from returning
to Cuba. All those wishing to return, even for short visits, have to apply for a visa. Those
who have temporarily left Cuba by legal means are sometimes also prevented from
returning, especially if while abroad they have expressed views not to the liking of the
government.
Threats
Threats to dissidents by the authorities are frequent. Many are threatened with
imprisonment if they do not give up their anti-government activities or go into exile. Others
are threatened with losing their jobs. Reports have also been received of isolated incidents
when lives were threatened by members of State Security, but these have never been carried
out. Such threats by authorities against dissidents, in addition to limiting freedom of
expression, association and assembly, undermine respect for article 3 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and article 1 of the American Declaration on the Rights and
Duties of Man, which guarantee the right to life, liberty and personal security.
For example, in 1999 former prisoner of conscience, Nestor Rodríguez Lobaina, and prisoner of conscience Juan Pedroso Esquivel of the Partido Solidaridad Democrático were both threatened with their lives.
In December 1999 Nestor Rodríguez Lobaina was reportedly detained by members of State Security in Santiago de Cuba and taken to an unknown destination in a mountainous area in the early hours of the morning. State Security agents then reportedly held their guns as if they were going to shoot him and shouted Bájate, que vamos a acabar contigo!, Get down, we're going to do away with you!. He was then told that he could go but that he was not allowed to return to Santiago de Cuba. He was left in an unpopulated area and had to walk a long way before finding any people to give him directions.
According to reports, in September 1998 Juan Pedroso Esquivel was reportedly threatened by the chief of police of the town of San José de los Ramos, Matanzas province, that he had to find a job. The policeman reportedly stated in public that he had orders to darte un tiro en el cocote, shoot you in the head. Some days later, the same policeman reportedly said he had his gun ready.
In August 1999 Venancio Roberto Rodríguez Martínez of the illegal Hermanos Fraternales por la Dignidad, Fraternal Brothers for Dignity, was threatened by a member of State Security in the presence of witnesses with imprisonment, allegedly for being a counter-revolutionary. He has also been temporarily detained several times.
Many dissidents have recently been threatened by State Security with being tried under the new Law 88 (see footnote 9, page 10). They include Lázaro Estanislao Ramos González of the Movimiento Cívico Máximo Gómez, Máximo Gómez Civic Movement, Raúl Rivero Castañeda and Hirán González González, both independent journalists of Cuba Press, Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas of the Movimiento Cristiano Liberación, Galman Rodríguez Acosta, president of the Partido Unión Nacional de Opositores (UNO), National Union of the Opposition Party.
Several people who took part in a 40-day fast (known as the Tamarindo 34 due to the
address where it took place) in June 1999 to demand the release of all political prisoners
and the respect of human rights, were also threatened by State Security.
Leonel Morejón Almagro of Naturpaz left the country in October 1999 because of the
continual harassment and threats to which he was subjected by State Security.
Summonses
Amnesty International receives numerous reports of cases of people being summoned for
questioning before local authorities. During interrogation, which sometimes lasts a few
hours, many are threatened with imprisonment. Amnesty International is concerned that this
practice, particularly
if used as a means of punishing perceived dissidents for exercising
freedom of expression, association and assembly
,
is potentially arbitrary and in
contravention of international standards.
Loss of employment
Government opponents and their relatives are sometimes dismissed from their jobs,
reportedly for political reasons or in punishment for the exercise of freedom of expression,
association or assembly.
For example, the son of Roberto de Miranda, who presides over the Colegio de Pedagogos Independents de Cuba, Association of Independent Teachers of Cuba, was dismissed, allegedly because of his father's activities. Former prisoner of conscience Eduardo Blanco Tolosa was dismissed from his job and then threatened with being returned to prison and charged with peligrosidad, dangerousness, if he did not find new employment. In November 1999 Alvaro González Vento, a legal adviser of a company in Pinar del Río, received notification of his dismissal. The reason given was reportedly that he maintains an attitude which is not in accordance with the principles of the revolution, which affects his reputation as a lawyer, mantener una actitud no acorde a los principios de la revolución, lo cual afecta su reputación como abogado. Alvaro González is a member of the illegal Partido Pro Derechos Humanos en Cuba, Cuban Human Rights Party.
University Professor, Dr. Pedro Emilio Pacheco Pérez, received a formal notification from the Instituto Superior de Ciencias Médicas, Superior Institute of Medical Science, dated 12 May 1997, that he had been dismissed from his position due to activities not in accordance with our revolutionary principles, no acorde a nuestros principios revolucionarios.
In March 1999 Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas was informed by authorities of the Instituto Superior José Antonio Echevarría where he was studying bio-engineering that he was no longer able to study there. The authorities of that educational establishment reportedly reacted after an editorial in the Cuban Government newspaper Granma referred to Oswaldo Payá as a cabecilla contrarrevolucionario, counter-revolutionary leader. This expulsion will reportedly invalidate him from working as an engineer as it is a legal requirement that public health workers obtain a certain level of education in that sphere.
Various members of the Partido Solidaridad Democrático have either been dismissed from
their jobs or have been unable to find employment due to their political activities: For
example, Juan Pedroso Esquivel was unable to find an official job. In November 1998 he
was summoned to the headquarters of the Sistema Unico de Vigilancia y Protección
(SUVP), Unified Vigilance and Protection System, where he was reportedly told that he had
two weeks to find a job or else he would be charged with dangerousness. One week later,
on 6 December 1998, he was detained and subsequently convicted of dangerousness and
sentenced to two years' imprisonment.
Damaris Reinol Almanza, a mother of an eight-year-old child, is reportedly unable to find
employment and repeatedly harassed. In December 1999 Reinaldo Delgado Rodríguez
was dismissed from his job in spite of having twenty years experience in his trade.
Those who attempt to leave the country illegally by boat and are subsequently repatriated often encounter problems trying to find employment.
House searches
Many Cuban dissidents have had their homes searched and had possessions such as
cameras, typewriters, tape-recorders and documents confiscated.
Amnesty International is
concerned that such practices, particularly when used to sanction or deter the exercise of
freedom of expression, association or assembly, undermine respect for international
standards. Those standards include article 12 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
which states that No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy,
family, home....and articles 5 and 9 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties
of Man.
For example, in July 1997 Orestes Rodríguez Horruitiner, vice-president of the
unofficial Movimiento Pro Derechos Humanos Seguidores de Chivás, Followers of Chivás
Human Rights Movement, in Santiago de Cuba, was reportedly detained after his home was
searched and several leaflets, books and documents were found which were considered by
the government to be counter-revolutionary. He is currently serving a four year prison
sentence, charged with
enemy propaganda
following his conviction in November 1997.
In August 1997 Raúl Rivero Castañeda, the founder of Cuba Press, was temporarily
detained by State Security officials at his home in Havana. Officials are also reported to
have searched his home for several hours, removing several files relating to Cuba Press,
as well as books, documents and a typewriter. Some of his belongings removed during the
search were reportedly returned to him but not his typewriter.
On 8 January 2000 State Security officers searched the home in Pinar del Río province of
Víctor Rolando Arroyo Carmona, a journalist for the independent press agency Unión
de Periodistas y Escritores Cubanos Independientes (UPECI), Union of Cuban Independent
Journalists and Writers, and confiscated some 140 toys. He had apparently bought the toys
to give away to the poor children of the province, with money raised by Cuban exile groups
in Miami in a Christmas appeal called Proyecto Reyes Magos del Milenio, the Millennium
Three Wise Men Project. Víctor Arroyo had reportedly already handed out over 100 toys
to children in the area. He was subsequently sentenced to six months' imprisonment,
charged with
acaparamiento, hoarding the toys.
Amnesty International believes the
charges against him are politically motivated, and considers him a prisoner of conscience.
Independent libraries in Cuba have also been subjected to searches and the confiscation of books. The first independent library in Cuba, the Biblioteca "Felix Varela", was established in April 1998 by Berta Mexidor Vázquez and her husband, Ramón Humberto Colás Castillo . Since then several other independent libraries have emerged. However, most have reportedly been subjected to searches and the confiscation of books and magazines.
House arrest
Sometimes dissidents are told not to leave their homes and threatened with punishment if
they do so. The tactic of house arrest is often used when the government wishes to keep a
large number of dissidents away from events such as international meetings, public events
or trials; as such, Amnesty International is concerned that it is at times politically-
motivated, intended as punishment for exercise of internationally-protected freedom of
expression, association and assembly, and therefore likely to be arbitrary.
During November 1999 hundreds of dissidents were put under house arrest in a crackdown by the government around the time of the Ibero-American Summit.
In July 1999 independent journalist Jesús Labrador Arias was put under house arrest prior to official celebrations carried out every year on 26 July to celebrate Rebellion Day See footnote 14 14 .
In late February 1999 prior to the 1 March trial of four members of the members of the Grupo de Trabajo de la Disidencia Interna para el Análisis de la situación Socio- Económica Cubana, Internal Dissidents' Working Group for the Analysis of the Cuban Socio-Economic Situation, Félix A. Bonne Carcasés, René Gómez Manzano, Vladimiro Roca Antúnez and Marta Beatriz Roque Cabello, over 100 dissidents, including journalists and human rights workers, were detained or held under house arrest. This was an apparent attempt by the authorities to prevent them campaigning on behalf of the detainees, or from attending or reporting on the trial, which generated worldwide media attention. Many dissidents also reportedly had their telephone lines cut.
Physical and verbal acts of aggression carried out by government supporters
Some dissidents are subjected to other forms of intimidation, such as physical attacks by individuals believed to be working for the Departamento de Seguridad del Estado (DSE), Department of State Security. Others have been subjected to actos de repudio, acts of repudiation. These are organized by government officials using mass organizations that support the government and which involve being verbally abused and sometimes physically assaulted by government supporters for being a counter-revolutionary.
Government supporters are given certain rights to intimidate, threaten or even attack those seen to be counter-revolutionaries. According to Article 3 of the Constitution, All citizens have the right to fight using all means, including armed struggle, when no other resort remains, anyone who tries to damage the political, social and economic order established by the Constitution.
Such acts of physical and verbal aggression, particularly when apparently permitted or even
encouraged by the authorities, undermine respect for article 3 of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights which states that Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of
person.
On 10 November 1999 a demonstration demanding human rights was held by a small
group of dissidents at the Dolores Park in Havana.
It reportedly began peacefully
but
turned violent when government supporters who were holding a separate event at the same
place tried to stop the demonstration. Government supporters reportedly attacked
Eduardo Díaz Fleitas, vice-president of the illegal Movimiento 5 de agosto, 5 August
Movement, and Fermín Scull Zulueta, beating them in the face and body.
The two men
were subsequently detained and charged with public disorder.
On 25 February 2000
Fermín Scull was sentenced to one year's imprisonment and Eduardo Díaz was sentenced
to one year's restricted freedom. Previously, on 29 June 1999 an unidentified person
threw a stone at the front door of the home of Eduardo Díaz in Pinar del Río province in the
early hours of the morning. A few days later he was reportedly detained for a few hours and
threatened by a member of State Security.
On 28 October 1999 a large number of members of the Rapid Response Brigades surrounded the home of Dr. Oscar Elías Biscet González where his organization, the Lawton Human Rights Foundation, was holding a press conference. Members of the organization were reportedly verbally attacked and threatened with being beaten.
On 21 October 1999 the home of Adalberto Yero, an independent journalist working for Cuba Press was attacked with stones by a group of unidentified people. His home in Santiago de Cuba province had reportedly been attacked in the same way on four previous occasions. Also in October 1999, another journalist working for Cuba Press, Jesús Labrador Arias, also had stones thrown at his home in Granma province.
Following the detention on 1 October 1998 of Manuel Antonio González Castellanos, a reporter for the independent press agency Cuba Press, family members wrote anti- government slogans denouncing the arrest on the walls and doors of their home. The following day they were reportedly subjected to an acto de repudio. Their home was reportedly surrounded by several hundred people, reportedly lead by State Security agents and members of the Rapid Response Brigades, who chanted threats and abuse. Government agents then forced open the door and beat two members of the family, Yoani and Leonardo Varona, as well as a visitor at the house, Roberto Rodríguez Rodríguez.
On 26 October 1998 at least 200 people, led by a member of State Security, gathered outside the home of Segundo Cabrera González , a member of the Comité Cubano Pro Derechos Humanos (CCPDH), Cuban Committee for Human Rights. The crowd reportedly threw stones and objects at his front door and threatened to take the Cabrera family to the main square so that the people could try them for their counter-revolutionary activities.
RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE CUBAN GOVERNMENT
Amnesty International makes the following recommendations to the Cuban Government:
.
That José Aguilar Hernández,
Víctor Rolando Arroyo Carmona
, Dr. Oscar
Elías Biscet González, Félix Antonio Bonne Carcasés, René Gómez Manzano,
Diosado González Marrero,
Maritza Lugo Fernández
, Angel Moya Acosta,
Carlos Oquendo Rodríguez,
Juan Pedroso Esquivel
,
Vladimiro Roca Antúnez,
Orestes Rodríguez Horruitiner
, Marta Beatriz Roque Cabello, Ariel Sigler
Amaya
, Guido Sigler Amaya
and Marcel Valenzuela Salt
be immediately and
unconditionally released
on the grounds that they are prisoners of conscience
detained solely for peacefully attempting to exercise their rights to freedom of
expression, association and assembly.
.
That the family of ex-prisoner of conscience Luis Grave de Peralta Morell, who
have been separated from him since his release and forced exile in February 1996,
be granted permission to leave Cuba.
.
That all Cuban citizens be guaranteed their legitimate rights to freedom of
expression, association and assembly, in accordance with articles 19, 20 and 21 of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and articles 4, 21 and 22 of the
American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man; and that punitive measures,
including detention, taken against individuals for exercising these rights
immediately cease.
.
That independent journalists be permitted to carry out their legitimate work without
interference.
*
That the Cuban Government take all necessary measures to ensure that its national
legislation is in conformity with relevant international standards and legal
instruments, particularly with regard to the exercise of freedom of expression,
association and assembly and with adequate character of conduct covered by
criminal offences.
*
That no one should be arbitrarily prevented from exercising their right to leave or
to return to Cuba.
.
That the Cuban Government ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights.
Note: Amnesty International does not take a position on the political aims of any
independent groups in Cuba but supports the right of all Cuban citizens to peacefully
exercise their legitimate rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly without
undue interference from the Cuban authorities.
Footnote:
1
United Nations Commission on Human Rights resolution 1997/62, adopted 16 April 1997,
para. 5.
Footnote: 2 See Cuba: Current prisoners of conscience must be released, AMR 25/36/99, 14 September 1999, for further information.
Footnote: 3 See also Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Informe anual de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, 1983-1984, pg. 85, para. 7.
Footnote: 4 Report of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, E/CN.4/1993/24, Annex I, Decision No. 13/1992, para. 6(f), 12 January 1993.
Footnote: 5 Report of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, E/CN.4/1992/20, Annex I, 21 January 1992.
Footnote: 6 Report of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, E/CN.4/1993/24, para. 20 (13), 12 January 1993.
Footnote: 7 These were set up in 1991 to defend the country, the Revolution and socialism in all circumstances, by confronting and liquidating any sign of counter-revolution or crime and have subsequently been involved in numerous violent confrontations with dissidents.
Footnote: 8 This annual event was initiated in 1991 with the goal of bringing together the heads of state of the Spanish and Portuguese-speaking nations of Europe and America to discuss issues of common concern. In 1999 it took place in Havana, Cuba.
Footnote: 9 New legislation effective since March 1999, known as the Law for the Protection of the National Independence and Economy of Cuba. It provides a penalty of up to 20 years' imprisonment for a series of offences, including providing information to the US government; owning, distributing or reproducing material produced by the US government or any other foreign entity; and collaborating by any means, with foreign radio, television, press or other foreign media, with the purpose of destabilizing the country and destroying the socialist state.
Footnote: 10 Article 34 of the Penal Code - this measure can be imposed for up to three years, during which time the person concerned may not move house without permission, is not permitted to receive promotion or a salary increase in their place of work, must appear before the court to explain their conduct if summoned to do so and must maintain an honest attitude towards work, in strict accordance with the law and with respect for the norms of socialist life.
Footnote: 11 Article 42 of the Penal Code - this measure can be imposed for up to ten years on anyone whose continued presence in a place is considered to be socially dangerous. It can be used to forbid someone to reside in a specific place or to force them to remain in a specific place.
Footnote: 12 Quote from Luis Grave de Peralta Morell, released into exile in February 1996 after serving four years of a thirteen year sentence for rebellion.
Footnote: 13 In more serious cases where passenger vessels or aeroplanes are hi-jacked, the charge is usually one of piratería, piracy, which carries a maximum sentence of death if there is loss of life or serious risk to the lives of others.
Footnote: 14 26 July marks the 1953 attack led by Fidel Castro against an army Moncada Barracks in Eastern Cuba. The attack was repulsed but was the prelude to the revolution
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A huge bump for this important report!
Now let's hope the castro apologists read this.
AVRWC - I merely did a quick scan this go around, but there are specifics that need to be highlighted and discussed.
Kudos to you for the find and post........Covenantor
INTRODUCTION
In Cuba freedom of expression, association and assembly are severely limited in law and in practice. Those who attempt to express views, organize meetings or form organizations that conflict with government policy are frequently subjected to punitive measures including short term detentions, interrogations, summonses, official warnings, threats, intimidation, eviction, loss of employment, restrictions on travel, house searches, house arrests, telephone bugging and physical and verbal acts of aggression carried out by government supporters. Although the number of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience has decreased in recent years and long prison sentences for those considered by the government to be counter-revolutionaries are less common than in the past, other forms of punishment such as those mentioned above have become more frequent. Some dissidents, including journalists, members of independent political parties and human rights defenders, have gone into exile to escape continual persecution.
In a 1997 resolution, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights urged the Cuban Government “to ensure freedom of expression and assembly and freedom to demonstrate peacefully, including by allowing political parties and non-governmental organizations to function freely in the country and by reforming legislation in this area.” See footnote 1 1
Following Pope John Paul II's visit to Cuba in January 1998, there was a brief improvement in the human rights situation and about 100 political prisoners were released, including 19 people declared by Amnesty International to be prisoners of conscience. However, in late 1998 frequent detentions and harassment resumed.
-------
Gee, thanks for helping to make my point for me!
Gee, thanks for helping to make my point for me! I hope that the AI reports helps judge the situation accurately and discourage you or anyone else from making general, unprovable statements or accusations.
By the way, for measure, this is the AI report on the US - the equivalent of what you see on the left-column on Cuba.
AI REPORT 1999:
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Sixty-eight prisoners, including three juvenile offenders, were executed in 18 states. More than 3,500 people remained on death row. There were continuing reports of torture and ill-treatment by police and prison officers, and of shootings by police in disputed circumstances.
In January the un Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions issued a report on his 1997 visit to the usa. The report called for a moratorium on executions and concluded that race, ethnic origin and economic status appear to be key determinants of who will, and who will not, receive a death sentence. In February the un Special Rapporteur on religious intolerance visited the usa. In August the un Special Rapporteur on violence against women visited prisons and immigration detention facilities in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Georgia, California and Minnesota. The state authorities refused her entry to three Michigan prisons where it was alleged that female inmates had been sexually abused by guards.
The death penalty continued to be used extensively. Sixty-eight people were executed, bringing the total number executed since the end of the moratorium on the death penalty in 1977 to 500.
Three juvenile offenders were executed, the first in the usa since 1993. All three had serious mental health problems and were put to death for crimes committed when they were 17 and emerging from abusive, poverty-stricken childhoods. Joseph Cannon and Robert Carter were executed in Texas in April and May respectively. Dwayne Wright was executed in October in Virginia. At Joseph Cannon's execution, the needle delivering the chemicals into his arm blew out. Witnesses were removed while the needle was reinserted. Joseph Cannon's mother collapsed and needed hospital treatment after seeing her son killed.
Paraguayan citizen Ángel Francisco Breard was executed in April, despite an International Court of Justice (icj) order that his execution be suspended. Under the un Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, to which the usa is a party, Ángel Breard had the right to assistance from Paraguayan consular officials. Paraguay took the case to the icj on the grounds that he had been denied this assistance, in breach of the Convention. Five days after the icj ordered the execution to be suspended until it had considered the case, Ángel Breard was executed. In November the us government issued an apology to the government and people of Paraguay for the violation of Ángel Breard's rights under the Convention. Seventy-three foreign nationals remained under sentence of death in the usa; almost all had been denied their rights under the Convention.
Eleven death-row prisoners were executed after abandoning their appeals and consenting to their execution. Jeremy Sagastegui was executed in Washington State in October. At his trial, Jeremy Sagastegui represented himself, refusing the assistance of an attorney, entered a guilty plea and requested that the jury sentence him to death. He had been diagnosed as suicidal three months before the crime for which he was condemned and had previously been diagnosed as a manic depressive and schizophrenic.
There were new reports of police shootings in disputed circumstances and of torture or ill-treatment of people by police and prison officers. Several unarmed teenagers were shot by police following car chases. They included 14-year-old black teenager Jenni Hightower, who was killed in March in New Jersey after police officers fired 20 shots into the stolen car in which she was a passenger. In April, three young black and latino men received multiple gunshot wounds when police fired into a car stopped for alleged speeding on the New Jersey Turnpike. The incident reinforced accusations that police officers along the New Jersey Turnpike stopped black and Latino drivers solely on the basis of race. Such arrests for driving while black were allegedly common in several states. In June the Maryland branch of the American Civil Liberties Union filed a class-action lawsuit alleging racial bias in traffic stops.
In October sheriff's deputies in Humboldt County, California, applied oc (pepper) spray-soaked pads to the eyes of four female anti-logging protesters who had chained themselves together. Later that month, a federal judge dismissed a lawsuit brought by protesters who had received similar treatment in 1997 (see Amnesty International Report 1998) on the grounds that the procedure caused only transient pain and did not amount to excessive force. Amnesty International had condemned the treatment as torture in that instance and called for the use of oc spray against non-violent demonstrators to be banned (see Amnesty International Report 1998).
In July a police Use of Force Review Board report concluded that police in Eugene, Oregon, had acted within policy when they sprayed demonstrators with oc spray during a non-violent protest in June 1997 (see Amnesty International Report 1998); however, the report was critical of some aspects of the operation.
In October a former New York City Police Department (nypd) officer was sentenced to seven and a half years in prison by a federal judge for violating the civil rights of Anthony Baez who died after a confrontation with officers in 1994 (see Amnesty International Reports 1996 to 1998). An appeal by the officer was pending at the end of the year.
The trial of four nypd officers for the 1997 assault on Abner Louima was still pending at the end of the year (see Amnesty International Report 1998). In December, two other nypd officers were arrested and charged with lying to federal investigators in the case.
There were reports of abusive use of restraints and of electro-shock weapons, and allegations of sexual and physical abuse in several prisons and jails. A prisoner in the El Paso Criminal Justice Center in Colorado died in May after being strapped for hours to a restraint board. Other prisoners in the Center alleged in a lawsuit filed in May that they had been strapped to the board for up to 12 hours during which time they had had difficulty breathing, were forced to urinate and defecate in their clothing, and were taunted by guards. Use of the board was suspended in the prison following the death, and a review of the jail's restraint policies was undertaken.
In July the Immigration and Naturalization Service (ins) removed 34 detainees from Jackson County Jail in Florida following allegations that they had been tortured with electro-shock shields while held in four-point restraints, and subjected to beatings and excessive periods of punitive solitary confinement. The case was still under investigation by the Justice Department at the end of the year.
There were allegations of sexual abuse of women prisoners in states including California, Michigan and New York. There were allegations that prison staff in Michigan had threatened or harassed inmates and staff who reported complaints. In March a federal court agreed to pay three women us$500,000 to settle a lawsuit in which they claimed that they had been beaten, raped and sold for sex to male inmates by guards at the Federal Detention Center in Pleasanton, California.
In February, eight guards were indicted on federal charges for staging fights between rival inmates in Corcoran State Prison in California, between 1988 and 1994, during which seven inmates were fatally shot by guards (see Amnesty International Report 1997). In October, five guards at the prison were indicted on state charges for arranging and covering up the rape of an inmate by another prisoner in 1993. In October state legislative hearings on systematic brutality in the prison ended with recommendations for a series of policy changes, including tighter guidelines controlling the use of lethal force and more training for prison guards.
In February inmates beaten and injured by guards at Hays State Prison in Georgia in 1996 received us$283,000 in damages to settle a federal lawsuit against the authorities (see Amnesty International Reports 1997 and 1998).
An appeal lodged by the State of California against a 1997 ruling by a lower court that Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt) should be granted a retrial (see Amnesty International Report 1998) was heard by the California Court of Appeals in December. No ruling had been given by the end of the year.
Amnesty International launched a worldwide campaign against human rights violations in the usa with the publication in October of a 150-page report, usa: Rights for All. The report focused on police brutality, ill-treatment in prisons and jails, the treatment of detained asylum-seekers, the death penalty, the us government's failure to abide by international standards, and concerns surrounding us arms trading. Amnesty International made over 40 recommendations for changes to bring us policies and practice into line with international standards at the federal, state and local level. It recommended, among other things, establishing independent monitoring bodies to investigate allegations of police brutality and abuses in jails and prisons; a ban on electro-shock stun belts and other dangerous restraint procedures as well as on the routine shackling of pregnant women; restrictions on interactions between male staff and female inmates to prevent rape and sexual abuse in jails and prisons; a ban on the death penalty for juvenile offenders and a moratorium on executions as a first step toward total abolition; the adoption of a binding code of conduct covering transfers of military, security and police equipment, services and expertise; and ratification, without reservation, of the un Conventions on the Rights of the Child and on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
Amnesty International had not received a direct response from the government to its report by the end of the year.
During the year, the organization published several other reports. In May it issued usa: Human rights concerns in the border region with Mexico, on ill-treatment by Border Patrol ins officers. In October Amnesty International delegates met senior ins officials in Washington dc to discuss the organization's concerns.
Amnesty International published usa: The death penalty in Texas, lethal injustice in April, and On the wrong side of history: children and the death penalty in the usa, highlighting the cases of juvenile offenders on death row, in October. In November Amnesty International launched usa: Fatal flaws _ innocence and the death penalty at a major conference in Chicago attended by nearly half the 75 wrongfully convicted prisoners released from us death rows since 1973.
Also in November, Amnesty International released usa: Betraying the young _ human rights violations against children in the us justice system which described ill-treatment of children in both the juvenile justice and the general criminal justice systems.
During the year Amnesty International wrote to numerous federal, state and local authorities about issues including the death penalty; police shootings and brutality; ill-treatment in prisons, jails and juvenile detention centres; and the cruel use of restraints and stun weapons. It called for a ban on the use of oc spray against non-violent demonstrators. It raised concern about the shackling of pregnant women and called for an independent, comprehensive inquiry into the Maine Youth Center, in Portland, Maine, following reports of ill-treatment.
In March Amnesty International wrote to the Federal Bureau of Prisons expressing concern about the alleged punitive conditions under which Oscar López Rivera, a supporter of Puerto Rican independence imprisoned on criminal charges, was held at Marion Federal Prison; he was subsequently transferred to another facility where conditions improved.
In July Amnesty International submitted an amicus curiae brief to the California Appeals Court concerning the case of Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt), arguing that the failure to disclose crucial information about a key prosecution witness to the defence should result in a final reversal of his conviction.
Amnesty International wrote to the Los Angeles court authorities and the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department calling on them to ban the use of remote control electro-shock stun belts after a defendant Ronnie Hawkins was stunned with the belt on the order of a judge during a Los Angeles court hearing in June; the order was given after he had repeatedly verbally interrupted the proceedings. Amnesty International said that use of stun belts constituted inherently cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and that, in Ronnie Hawkins' case, the deliberate infliction of pain as punishment, by or at the instigation of a public official, fell within the definition of torture under international standards. The organization reiterated its concerns in October in an amicus curiae brief to a federal district court, which heard a lawsuit filed on behalf of Ronnie Hawkins and others, seeking, among other things, a preliminary injunction to prevent the use of the stun belt in Los Angeles county and municipal courtrooms. A ruling on the case was pending at the end of the year. In November Amnesty International raised concern with the authorities about the use of stun belts on low security hiv-positive inmates in New Orleans Parish Jail in Louisiana, while they were being transported to hospital and awaiting treatment.
In September Amnesty International wrote to the us government about the air strikes in Afghanistan and Sudan, seeking clarification on the measures taken to protect civilian lives. Amnesty International also wrote to the un Secretary-General asking for an investigation into the bombing of Sudan. In December the organization called on the us government to ensure maximum protection of civilian lives in accordance with international humanitarian law in its air strikes against Iraq after un weapons inspectors reported non-cooperation by the Iraqi authorities.
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Sorry, I meant the RIGHT column.
I hope that the AI reports helps judge the situation accurately and discourage you or anyone else from making general, unprovable statements or accusations
Such as? That people can be detained without cause? That there are no property rights as we know them? Sorry, but I stand by those - these reports only address political rights - and property rights are not present in communist countries BY DEFINITION. Don't spin with your mouth full.
What I want to know is, WHY IN HELL A Vast RightWing Conspirator would post this????????????????????????????????????????
My head hurts!!!!!
Does he/she/it not recognize that this post completely undermines his/her/its history of posting on this subject?
Note to AVRWC: Thanks for the ammo.
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Dear Ms. Thatcher, as strange as it may appear to some, the last thing that I'd ever do (other than breathe once or twice a minute) is hiding the truth, or ignoring it.
I never claimed that Cuba was a "workers' paradise" - as one who spent a good half of his life in such a place, I should know a little. If anyone paid any attention, my concerns were and are what we got here, at home - sorry, I'm not going to spell out my concerns again. It is wrong to attempt to keep the little guy away from his father on wildly exaggerated and clearly propagandistic charges that no one in the real world would ever believe (because not true) such as: Cuba has 'slavery' or 'no property rights' or 'Castro owns the children'.
So, yes, I am not afraid of the truth, or facts, or reality, not for one moment.
Thank you so very much for the heads up!!!
"Moral equivalence" blah blah blah blah blah.
More BS from the A$$hole.
It is wrong to attempt to keep the little guy away from his father on wildly exaggerated and clearly propagandistic charges that no one in the real world would ever believe (because not true) such as: Cuba has 'slavery' or 'no property rights' or 'Castro owns the children'
No slavery? Kids are forced to work on tobacco farms for a month out of the year. Free men get to choose the nature of their employment. Property rights? Not having private property is a tenet of communism. People get their homes upon permission of the government. Castro doesn't own the children? He has already said that Elian will go to re-education camp. And he forces kids into that tobacco work.
Oops, I used the word "is" - gives you room to parse what I said.
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