Skip to comments.THE KERRY CAMPAIGN RELEASE UPDATED TOP FUNDRAISERS!(BEN BARNES THE BIGGEST FUNDRAISER!)
Posted on 09/08/2004 7:31:48 AM PDT by areafiftyone
The top Kerry donor in 2004 is JohnKerry.com, which has raised over $20 million online since January 1, 2004.
Democratic Presidential Candidate John Kerry today released an updated list of supporters who raised over $50,000 for his presidential campaign. The list has been posted for the public on his web site at www.johnkerry.com.
"John Kerry continues the leadership of transparency, with this updated list of fundraisers," said Louis B. Susman, National Finance Chairman of the Kerry Campaign. "We have had incredible success at the ballot box in the primary season, and we are now having incredible success in fundraising as the Democratic Party unites behind John Kerry."
The Kerry campaign has over 180 Americans who have raised over $50,000 during the presidential primary campaign. Supporters are listed below.
VICE CHAIRS 100,000 and up
Judy Droz Keyes
Kathleen Flynn Peterson
Lou and Margorie Susman
Co-Chairs 50,000 - 100,000
State Treasurer Phil Angelides
Gov. Jim Blanchard
Lt Gov. Diane Denish
Mayor Francis Slay
Jennifer Ryan Safsel
Hon. Lynn Schenk
Hon. Ed Wallin
Bush faces pressure over drugs and draft
By Rupert Cornwell in Washington
08 September 2004
After weeks in which John Kerry's military record has been picked to pieces, President George Bush now faces a double blast of scrutiny over his own past, raising new questions over his avoidance of the Vietnam draft and his alleged use of drugs.
The first salvo is due to be fired on CBS tonight, when Ben Barnes, a Democrat and the lieutenant governor of Texas in 1968, will explain his role in securing for the 22-year-old Yale graduate Bush a coveted place in the state's Air National Guard - a unit so full of the sons of Texas's rich and powerful that it was known as the "Champagne Unit".
The saga of the future President's failure to go to Vietnam has inevitably returned to the headlines here as counterpoint to the controversy over his opponent's war record, amid accusations by a group of veterans that Mr Kerry has lied over his service in Vietnam, for which he received five decorations.
In recent months Mr Barnes has said he feels "very ashamed" about helping Mr Bush and the sons of other prominent Texans, and is said to have told friends that he did it to "collect chits" from powerful families. In the interview he is expected to expand on these comments.
In a predictably scathing reaction, the Bush campaign - long prepared for a counterattack on the Vietnam issue after the furore over the ads about Mr Kerry - has dismissed Mr Barnes as a "partisan Democrat", peddling a rehash of old allegations against the President. Last week George Bush Snr, the former president, described charges that he pulled strings for his son as "total lies". Mr Barnes himself has acknowledged he received no direct approach from the Bush family to have George W admitted in the Texas National Guard - a virtual guarantee that he would not be sent to Vietnam.
More trouble may be heading Mr Bush's way with the publication next week of The Family: The Real Story of the Bush Dynasty, by the controversial muckraking biographer Kitty Kelley, which purports to give more details of the President's past misbehaviour, including the allegation he used cocaine at Camp David during his father's Presidency between 1989 and 1993.
Rumours of youthful drug taking by Mr Bush have often surfaced. Though he has admitted to being an alcoholic until he gave up drinking completely in 1986, he has sidestepped the cocaine stories. Questioned on the issue during the 2000 campaign, he acknowledged merely that he had made "some mistakes" and that he had learned from those mistakes.
The latest book by Ms Kelley, said to be the fruit of four years' research, follows previous unflattering studies of Nancy Reagan, Frank Sinatra and the British Royal family.
Using the same tactic as against Mr Barnes, the White House commented that The Family appeared to be filled "with the same trash discredited years ago".
The most sensational allegation in the book is that the Presidential son used cocaine at Camp David. The source is reportedly Sharon Bush, his former sister-in-law, who was involved in a messy divorce in 2003 from the President's younger brother Neil after 22 years of marriage.
Ms Kelley says that the Bush family used their power and wealth to cover up scandals.
She alleges that George W Bush began to drink at high school, and continued to do so at Yale.
She quotes one former student as saying, "Poor Georgie, he couldn't relate to women unless he was loaded."
Perhaps the book's most improbable claim is that Laura Bush, now the model of primness and propriety as First Lady, both sold and smoked marijuana during her days at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas.
Who are these people?
I don't know who all of them are but Ben Barnes is going to be on 60 minutes tonight blasting Bush!
Future ambassadors if Kerry makes it in.
Is that Bob Dylan at the end of the list?
You know what is funny? On Kerry's homepage it says "New Direction" yet underneath it only says "Bush is wrong", "Kerry criticizes Bush" or "Bush's wrong choices". My question is where is the "New Direction". No plans no initiatives. Arm Chair quarterbacking at it's finest
OMG..........are these people serious?
If this is all the Kerry camp has, they are in DEEEEEEP doo-doo.
Jeremy Alters is a lawyer and Fernando Amandi is a retired Citigroup executive who was a Republican backer for a long time and changed his allegiance to the DARK SIDE!
What, a college student drank? Shocked I say!
One traitor helping another. John Fraud Kerry sold us out to the Vietnamese. Bernie sold us out to the Chinese.
FYI, John Coale is Mr. Greta Van Susteren. Bigtime Washington trial lawyer.
John Dean is on the list.......is that the John Dean from Watergate fame?
Where are all the Hollywood names? Didn't see Whoopsi or Babs on the list. Who or what is the Cam Kerry on the first list.
And I'm sure Dan Rather will bring up Uncle Ben's status as a huge donor .... NOT!
I don't know one person who didn't begin to drink in high school and continue into college.
Cameron Kerry is John F'n's brother, I believe.
Alleging Laura Bush is/was a dope Peddler?
If you were gonna drink, that's pretty much when it would start, for most people.
It only makes W seem like even more of a regular guy......
and NBC's gonna dedicate THREE shows to this book?
Robert Zimmerman -- Last name on the list.
Isn't this Bob Dylan?
Do we expect Gunga Dan to disclose that tonight???? I know, hahahahahahahahaha. Gunga Dan is a disgrace.
Ok. Can someone explain to me how Mr. Barnes did this...because, Mr. Barnes was NOT the Lt. Governor of Texas in 1968?
Barnes did not become Lt. Governor until January 21, 1969, when Preston E. Smith became Governor and Ben Barnes Lt. Governor.
So, could Mr. Barnes please explain how he did this? I wonder if he was in Cambodia in 1968 too?
IMO the scenario is this. If Kerry wins the Clintons are back. Note the return of the Clinton team. Theresa will take a hike...she won't live in that musty old White House. and voila..guess who is pulling the strings? (it ain't Kerry, he doesn't have the brains to get out of the rain!
How tough would it be to have a short 15 second ad put up on CBS right after that Ben Barnes segment that simply states - Ben Barnes has raised hundreds of thousands of dollars for Kerry-Edwards? Maybe even a picture of Barnes and Kerry together smiling?
That would be very effective. I doubt CBS would run it.
Hmmm.. so time to choose a wartime leader, which shall it be?
The lad that drank in college or the traitor that helped cause 15,000 American deaths and sucessfully sabotaged an American victory?
Hmmm... just can't make my mind up!
SHARPSTOWN STOCK-FRAUD SCANDAL. Texas went through one of its traditional and periodic governmental scandals in 1971-72, when federal accusations and then a series of state charges were leveled against nearly two dozen state officials and former state officials. Before normalcy returned, Texas politics had taken a slight shift to the left and had undergone a thorough housecleaning: the incumbent governor was labeled an unindicted coconspirator in a bribery case and lost his bid for reelection; the incumbent speaker of the House of Representatives and two associates were convicted felons; a popular three-term attorney general lost his job; an aggressive lieutenant governor's career was shattered; and half of the legislature was either intimidated out or voted out of office. The scandal centered, initially, on charges that state officials had made profitable quick-turnover bank-financed stock purchases in return for the passage of legislation desired by the financier, Houston businessman Frank W. Sharp. By the time the stock fraud scandal died down, state officials also had been charged with numerous other offenses-including nepotism and use of state-owned stamps to buy a pickup truck.
In the 1972 electoral aftermath, incumbent Democrats were the big losers, although at the top level of officialdom it was a matter of conservative Democrats being replaced by less conservative Democrats. Using the scandal as a springboard, less conservative Democrats and Republicans carried the "reform" battle cry and also gained a stronger foothold in the legislature. Democrats, defensively, charged that the whole scandal atmosphere in Texas was a national Republican plot, originated in the Nixon administration's Department of Justice. But before the smoke cleared, Will Wilson, an ex-Democratic Texas attorney general, by then one of the top Texas Republicans in the federal government, was hounded from his position as chief of the criminal division of the Department of Justice because of his own business dealings with Sharp.
The political tumult that was to become known as the Sharpstown stock fraud scandal started out meekly, though symbolically, on the day Texas Democrats were gathering in Austin to celebrate their 1970 election victories and inaugurate their top officials. Attorneys for the United States Securities and Exchange Commission, late in the afternoon of January 18, 1971, filed a lawsuit in Dallas federal court alleging stock fraud against former Democratic state attorney general Waggoner Carr, former state insurance commissioner John Osorio, Frank Sharp, and a number of other defendants. The civil suit also was filed against Sharp's corporations, including the Sharpstown State Bank and National Bankers Life Insurance Corporation. But it was deep down in the supporting material of the suit that the SEC lawyers hid the political bombshells. There it was alleged that Governor Preston Smith, state Democratic chairman and state banking board member Elmer Baum, House Speaker Gus Mutscher, Jr., Representative Tommy Shannon of Fort Worth, Rush McGinty (an aide to Mutscher), and others-none of them charged in the SEC's suit-had, in effect, been bribed. The plot, according to the SEC, was hatched by Sharp himself, who wanted passage of new state bank deposit insurance legislation that would benefit his own financial empire. The SEC said the scheme was for Sharp to grant more than $600,000 in loans from Sharpstown State Bank to the state officials, with the money then used to buy National Bankers Life stock, which would later be resold at huge profits as Sharp artificially inflated the value of his insurance company's stock. The quarter-of-a-million-dollar profits were, in fact, made. But they weren't arranged by Sharp, the SEC said, until after Governor Smith made it possible for Sharp's bank bills to be considered at a special legislative session in September 1969, and Mutscher and Shannon then hurriedly pushed the bills through the legislature. (Smith later vetoed the bills on the advice of the state's top bank law experts, but not until he and Baum had made their profits on the bank loan-stock purchase deal.)
The state officials denied all the charges, asserting that they had obtained the bank loans and made the stock purchases purely as business transactions unrelated to the passage of Sharp's bank bills. But as the spring of 1971 droned into summer, political pressure mounted on Smith, Baum, Mutscher, and Shannon-even on Lieutenant Governor Ben Barnes, who had been connected in several tangential ways to Frank Sharp, his companies, and the bank bills. By the fall of 1971, when Mutscher and his associates were indicted, the politics of 1972 had begun to take shape. Incumbents moved as far away as possible, politically, from the "old system" and the current state leaders. New candidates came forward, some of them literally with no governmental experience, under a "throw the rascals out" banner.
Mutscher, Shannon, and McGinty were tried in Abilene, on a change of venue from Austin because of adverse pretrial publicity, in February and March 1972. The indictment charged the three men with conspiracy to accept a bribe from Sharp, and District Attorney R. O. (Bob) Smith of Austin said during the trial that Governor Smith was an unindicted coconspirator. Prosecutors acknowledged from the start that the case would be based entirely on circumstantial evidence, which produced legal technicalities inexplicable to laymen. But the jury needed only 140 minutes on March 15, 1972, after exposure to hundreds of pounds and hours of evidence, to find the Mutscher group guilty. The next day, at the request of the defendants, Judge J. Neil Daniel assessed punishment at five years' probation.
The conviction of the Abilene Three dramatically advanced the momentum of the "reform" movement, coming less than three months before primary elections, at which more legislative seats were contested than in any year since World War II.qv (Redistricting decisions by the federal courts added to the high percentage of electoral challenges, but the Sharpstown scandal generally was credited as the main factor.) In statewide races "reform" candidates also dominated. The Democratic governor's race saw two newcomers-liberal legislator Frances (Sissy) Farenthold of Corpus Christi and conservative rancher-banker Dolph Briscoe of Uvalde-run far ahead of Governor Smith, who was seeking a third term as governor, and Lieutenant Governor Barnes, whose seemingly inexorable rise to political prominence was ended when his reputation was tainted by the scandal. Briscoe defeated Farenthold in the runoff and later was elected governor; but Republican candidate Henry Grover of Houston and Raza Unida Partyqv candidate Ramsey Muñiz of Waco drew enough votes to make Briscoe Texas's first "minority" governor. For the state's second top executive branch job, voters chose moderate Houston newspaper executive William P. Hobby, Jr., over seven other Democratic candidates as lieutenant governor-also on a "reform" theme. Reform-minded moderate Democrat John Luke Hill of Houston, a former secretary of state, left a successful private law practice to defeat the popular three-term attorney general, Crawford C. Martin,qv who had been criticized for his handling of the stock fraud scandal and for his own relationship with Frank Sharp. The Democratic primary and the general election of 1972 also produced a striking change in the legislature's membership, including a half-new House roster and a higher-than-normal turnover in the Senate. Most of the newcomers were committed to "reform" in some fashion, regardless of their ideological persuasion. The voters simultaneously indicated that their confidence in the legislature had been restored to some extent, because they approved in November 1972 an amendment allowing the legislature to sit as a constitutional convention in 1974. The convention failed by three votes on July 30, 1974, to approve a proposed new constitution for the voters to consider (see CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1974).
The final impact of the stock fraud scandal on Texas politics occurred during the regular session of the legislature in 1973. The lawmakers, led by new House Speaker Marion Price Daniel, Jr.,qv of Liberty, a moderate and son of a former governor, with active support from Attorney General Hill and Lieutenant Governor Hobby and with verbal encouragement from Governor Briscoe, passed a series of far-reaching reform laws. Among other subjects, the legislation required state officials to disclose their sources of income, forced candidates to make public more details about their campaign finances, opened up most governmental records to citizen scrutiny, expanded the requirement for open meetings of governmental policy-making agencies, and imposed new disclosure regulations on paid lobbyists.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Charles Deaton, The Year They Threw the Rascals Out (Austin: Shoal Creek, 1973). Sam Kinch, Jr., and Ben Procter, Texas under a Cloud (Austin: Jenkins, 1972). Vertical Files, Barker Texas History Center, University of Texas at Austin. Tracy D. Wooten, "The Sharpstown Incident and Its Impact on the Political Careers of Preston Smith, Gus Mutscher and Ben Barnes," Touchstone 5 (1986).
Sam Kinch, Jr.