Skip to comments.Two Illegal Immigrants Win Arizona Ranch in Court Fight
Posted on 08/19/2005 12:09:29 AM PDT by Southack
DOUGLAS, Ariz., Aug. 18 - Spent shells litter the ground at what is left of the firing range, and camouflage outfits still hang in a storeroom. Just a few months ago, this ranch was known as Camp Thunderbird, the headquarters of a paramilitary group that promised to use force to keep illegal immigrants from sneaking across the border with Mexico.
(Excerpt) Read more at nytimes.com ...
Nice commentary coming from Morris Dees who is a child molester who went after his step daughter.
nope, it's not from the onion....
i had to double check, but this is real
I could just vomit.
Casey Nethercott is a shady character, but illegals getting his ranch is ridiculous.
Great we have just handed another invasion route over to the coyotes!
Since when do our courts have the right to give land held by citizens over to forgien nationals?
What rights do these illegals have under our system?
This is Bullplop pure and simple!
Seems to parallel other instances of forced land transfers in places like South Africa.
¡Viva La Reconquista!
Drug dealers will buy the ranch so they can have an easy place to cross.
In the marbury case it was ruled the judicial branch is the supreme power. The judges with the robes rule us.
I would rent a bulldozer for a day.
What is happening to our Country? Are we going to
wind up like those poor folks in the Gaza Strip?
Didn't things get to a point like this when they held
the Boston Tea Party?
Wonder what John McCain has to say!
I am nowhere near that part of the country and i don't know anybody involved in this, but I do have a sneaky suspicion that this is not the end of the story.
Would it be the end of the story if this was your ranch that was confiscated and turned over to illegal aliens?
The direct mail publishing business (Fuller & Dees Marketing Group) grew to be one of the largest publishing companies in the South. The company pioneered mail sales of much needed children's sex education books..
During the civil rights movement, Dees became active in aiding minorities in court. In 1967, he filed suit to stop construction of a white university in an Alabama city that already had a predominantly black state college. In 1968, he filed suit to integrate the all white Montgomery YMCA. In 1970, with Joseph J. Levin, Jr. and Julian Bond, he founded the Southern Poverty Law Center, in Montgomery. In 1980, the Center founded Klanwatch, a project which monitors hate groups and develops legal strategies such as those with which Dees brought the United Klans of America and White Aryan Nation to their knees.
To help educate young people about the civil rights movement, Dees developed the idea for The Civil Rights Memorial, in Montgomery. The Memorial bears the names of 40 men, women, and children who died during the civil rights movement. Trial Lawyers for Public Justice named him Trial Lawyer of the Year in 1987, and the National Education Association gave him the Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial Award in 1990. His autobiography, A Season For Justice, was published by MacMillan in the spring of 1991. Dees is now Chief Trial Counsel for the Southern Poverty Law Center and, in addition to suing violent white supremacist groups, he is developing ideas for the new Civil Rights Education Project.
Would it be the end of the story if this was your ranch that was confiscated and turned over to illegal aliens?I'm thinking booby traps.
In 1972, Dees was the finance director for Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern. He also served as President Jimmy Carter's national finance director in 1976, and as national finance chairman for Senator Ted Kennedy's 1980 Democratic primary presidential campaign against Carter.
Dees and the SPLC were the subject of an award-winning 1994 investigative report by the Montgomery Advertiser which revealed deceptive fundraising practices and poor management at the Center. Dees and his organization lobbied aggressively against the report's consideration for journalistic awards, but it was a finalist for a 1995 Pulitzer Prize.
Dees is criticized by former Center employees and associates for being more interested in fundraising than legitimate civil rights programs and for allegedly discriminatory employment policies at the Center.
Dees has a number of critics among liberals, including investigative journalist Alexander Cockburn and University of Kansas professor Laird Wilcox. Some note that Dees has unfairly lumped a number of other movements in with white supremacy, including Second Amendment or gun rights activists, groups that are libertarian in political orientation such as the jury nullification movement, and groups that have their roots among the overpopulation, environmentalist, and population control movements, such as immigration reductionism. Others accuse Dees of overly aggressive fundraising, using blacklisting and guilt by association as organizing tactics, and practicing a sort of left-wing version of McCarthyism. The Southern Poverty Law Center is one of four groups negatively profiled by Laird Wilcox in his book The Watchdogs. Wilcox, who tracks extremist groups of both the left and right, accuses the Southern Poverty Law Center and the other three groups he profiles in that report of: "illegal spying, theft of police files, fund-raising irregularities, irresponsible and fraudulent claims, perjury, vicious and unprincipled name-calling, ritual defamation, libel, intolerance of criticism, harassment, stalking, and a callous disregard for the civil liberties of their opponents and critics."
Oh this will help the OBL cause............/s
I Think some of our elitist friends on the left seem to think that they can rule from the bench.And so far they're right. Sadly, I see the Republicans doing scarcely anything in response. We're losing our country and our rights by default.
The Church of Morris Dees
By Ken Silverstein
Harper's Magazine, November 2000
How the Southern Poverty Law Center profits from intolerance
Ah, tolerance. Who could be against something so virtuous? And who could object to the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Montgomery, Alabama-based group that recently sent out this heartwarming yet mildly terrifying appeal to raise money for its "Teaching Tolerance" program, which prepares educational kits for schoolteachers? Cofounded in 1971 by civil rights lawyer cum direct-marketing millionaire Morris Dees, a leading critic of "hate groups" and a man so beatific that he was the subject of a made-for-TV movie, the SPLC spent much of its early years defending prisoners who faced the death penalty and suing to desegregate all-white institutions like Alabama's highway patrol. That was then. Today, the SPLC spends most of its time--and money--on a relentless fund-raising campaign, peddling memberships in the church of tolerance with all the zeal of a circuit rider passing the collection plate. "He's the Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker of the civil rights movement," renowned anti- death-penalty lawyer Millard Farmer says of Dees, his former associate, "though I don!t mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye." The Center earned $44 million last year alone--$27 million from fund-raising and $17 million from stocks and other investments--but spent only $13 million on civil rights program , making it one of the most profitable charities in the country.
The Ku Klux Klan, the SPLC's most lucrative nemesis, has shrunk from 4 million members in the 1920s to an estimated 2,000 today, as many as 10 percent of whom are thought to be FBI informants. But news of a declining Klan does not make for inclining donations to Morris Dees and Co., which is why the SPLC honors nearly every nationally covered "hate crime" with direct-mail alarums full of nightmarish invocations of "armed Klan paramilitary forces" and "violent neo-Nazi extremists," and why Dees does legal battle almost exclusively with mediagenic villains-like Idaho's arch-Aryan Richard Butler-eager to show off their swastikas for the news cameras. In 1987, Dees won a $7 million judgment against the United Klans of America on behalf of Beulah Mae Donald, whose son was lynched by two Klansmen. The UKA's total assets amounted to a warehouse whose sale netted Mrs. Donald $51,875. According to a groundbreaking series of newspaper stories in the Montgomery Advertiser, the SPLC, meanwhile, made $9 million from fund-raising solicitations featuring the case, including one containing a photo of Michael Donald's corpse. Horrifying as such incidents are, hate groups commit almost no violence. More than 95 percent of all "hate crimes," including most of the incidents SPLC letters cite (bombings, church burnings, school shootings), are perpetrated by "lone wolves." Even Timothy McVeigh, subject of one of the most extensive investigations in the FBI's history-and one of the most extensive direct-mail campaigns in the SPLC's-was never credibly linked to any militia organization.
No faith healing or infomercial would be complete without a moving testimonial. The student from whose tears this white schoolteacher learned her lesson is identified only as a child of color. "Which race," we are assured, "does not matter." Nor apparently does the specific nature of "the racist acts directed at him," nor the race of his schoolyard tormentors. All that matters, in fact, is the race of the teacher and those expiating tears. "I wept with him, feeling for once, the depth of his hurt," she confides. "His tears washed away the film that had distorted my white perspective of the world." Scales fallen from her eyes, what action does this schoolteacher propose? What Gandhi-like disobedience will she undertake in order to "reach real peace in the world"? She doesn't say but instead speaks vaguely of acting out against "the pain." In the age of Oprah and Clinton, empathy--or the confession thereof--is an end in itself.
Any good salesman knows that a products "value" is a highly mutable quality with little relation to actual worth, and Morris Dees-who made millions hawking, by direct mail, such humble commodities as birthday cakes, cookbooks (including Favorite Recipes of American Home Economics Teachers), tractor seat cushions, rat poison, and, in exchange for a mailing list containing 700,000 names, presidential candidate George McGovern-is nothing if not a good salesman. So good in fact that in 1998 the Direct Marketing Association inducted him into its Hall of Fame. "I learned everything I know about hustling from the Baptist Church," Dees has said. "Spending Sundays on those hard benches listening to the preacher pitch salvation-why, it was like getting a Ph.D. in selling." Here, Dr. Dees (the letter's nominal author) masterfully transforms, with a mere flourish of hyperbole, an education kit available "at cost" for $30 on the SPLC website into "a $325 value."
This is one of the only places in this letter where specific races are mentioned. Elsewhere, Dees and his copywriters, deploying an arsenal of passive verbs and vague abstractions, have sanitized the usually divisive issue of race of its more disturbing elements-such as angry black people-and for good reason: most SPLC donors are white. Thus, instead of concrete civil rights issues like housing discrimination and racial profiling, we get "communities seething with racial violence." Instead of racially biased federal sentencing laws, or the disparity between poor predominantly black schools and affluent white ones, or the violence against illegals along the Mexican border, the SPLC gives us "intolerance against those who are different," turning bigotry into a color-blind, equal-opportunity sin. It's reassuring to know that "Caucasians" are no more and no less guilty of this sin than African Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Hispanics. In the eyes of Morris Dees, we're all sinners, all victims, and all potential contributors.
Morris Dees doesn't need your financial support. The SPLC is already the wealthiest civil rights group in America, though this letter quite naturally omits that fact. Other solicitations have been more flagrantly misleading. One pitch, sent out in 1995-when the Center had more than $60 million in reserves-informed would-be donors that the "strain on our current operating budget is the greatest in our 25-year history." Back in 1978, when the Center had less than $10 million, Dees promised that his organization would quit fund-raising and live off interest as soon as its endowment hit $55 million. But as it approached that figure, the SPLC upped the bar to $100 million, a sum that, one 1989 newsletter promised, would allow the Center "to cease the costly and often unreliable task of fund raising. " Today, the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising-$5.76 million last year-as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses. The American Institute of Philanthropy gives the Center one of the worst ratings of any group it monitors, estimating that the SPLC could operate for 4.6 years without making another tax-exempt nickel from its investments or raising another tax-deductible cent from well-meaning "people like you."
The SPLC's "other important work justice" consists mainly in spying on private citizens who belong to "hate groups," sharing its files with law-enforcement agencies, and suing the most prominent of these groups for crimes committed independently by their members-a practice that, however seemingly justified, should give civil libertarians pause. The legal strategy employed by Dees could have put the Black Panther Party out of business or bankrupted the New England Emigrant Aid Company in retaliation for crimes committed by John Brown. What the Center's other work for justice does not include is anything that might be considered controversial by donors. According to Millard Farmer, the Center largely stopped taking death-penalty cases for fear that too visible an opposition to capital punishment would scare off potential contributors. In 1986, the Center's entire legal staff quit in protest of Dees's refusal to address issues-such as homelessness, voter registration, and affirmative action-that they considered far more pertinent to poor minorities, if far less marketable to affluent benefactors, than fighting the KKK. Another lawyer, Gloria Browne, who resigned a few years later, told reporters that the Center's programs were calculated to cash in on "black pain and white guilt." Asked in 1994 if the SPLC itself, whose leadership consists almost entirely of white men, was in need of an affirmative action policy, Dees replied that "probably the most discriminated people in America today are white men when it comes to jobs."
Contributors to Teaching Tolerance might be surprised to learn how little of the SPLC's reported educational spending actually goes to education. In response to lobbying by charities, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants in 1987 began allowing nonprofits to count part of their fundraising costs as "educational" so long as their solicitations contained an informational component. On average, the SPLC classifies an estimated 47 percent of the fund-raising letters that it sends out every year as educational, including many that do little more than instruct potential donors on the many evils of "militant right-wing extremists" and the many splendid virtues of Morris Dees. According to tax documents, of the $10. 8 million in educational spending the SPLC reported in 1999, $4 million went to solicitations. Another $2.4 million paid for stamps.
In the early 1960s, Morris Dees sat on the sidelines honing his direct-marketing skills and practicing law while the civil rights movement engulfed the South. "Morris and I...shared the overriding purpose of making a pile of money," recalls Dees's business partner, a lawyer named Millard Fuller (not to be confused with Millard Farmer). "We were not particular about how we did it; we just wanted to be independently rich." They were so unparticular, in fact, that in 1961 they defended a man, guilty of beating up a journalist covering the Freedom Riders, whose legal fees were paid by the Klan. ("I felt the anger of a black person for the first time," Dees later wrote of the case. "I vowed then and there that nobody would ever again doubt where I stood.") In 1965, Fuller sold out to Dees, donated the money to charity, and later started Habitat for Humanity. Dees bought a 200-acre estate appointed with tennis courts, a pool, and stables, and, in 1971, founded the SPLC, where his compensation has risen in proportion to fund-raising revenues, from nothing in the early seventies to $273,000 last year. A National Journal survey of salaries paid to the top officers of advocacy groups shows that Dees earned more in 1998 than nearly all of the seventy-eight listed, tens of thousands more than the heads of such groups as the ACLU, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and the Children's Defense Fund. The more money the SPLC receives, the less that goes to other civil rights organizations, many of which, including the NAACP, have struggled to stay out of bankruptcy. Dees's compensation alone amounts to one quarter the annual budget of the Atlanta-based Southern Center for Human Rights, which handles several dozen death-penalty cases a year. "You are a fraud and a conman," the Southern Center's director, Stephen Bright, wrote in a 1996 letter to Dees, and proceeded to list his many reasons for thinking so, which included "your failure to respond to the most desperate needs of the poor and powerless despite your millions upon millions, your fund-raising techniques, the fact that you spend so much, accomplish so little, and promote yourself so shamelessly." Soon the SPLC win move into a new six-story headquarters in downtown Montgomery, just across the street from its current headquarters, a building known locally as the Poverty Palace.
Ken Silverstein is a contributing editor of Harper's Magazine and the author of Private Warriors, an investigation of the arms trade published last August by Verso.
If he's siphoning from the ACLU he can't be all bad
This is a sickness.
Thanks for the post - - interesting stuff, and bookmarked.
Morris Dees -- Child Molester, Pervert, and Liar?
For the past several years, the Major Media has portrayed Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center as an "expert" on terrorism, militias, and the Patriot Movement.
Is Morris Dees a trustworthy and truthful source of information, on a subject so dear to the American people as their liberties?
Decide for yourself after reading the following court document.
At the time of the divorce, Morris' net worth, based upon his own
calculations, was $3,876,029 (R. 1252, et. seq; Def. Ex. 86-87; Stipulation,
R. 231). His annual income exceeds $230,000 (Def. Ex. 76-79), of which more
than $160,000 annually is derived from municipal bonds upon which Morris
pays no income tax (Def. Ex. 28).
B. The Cause Of The Break-up: Vicki Booker McGaha
If the guy committed a crime, prosecute him. An illegal alien shouldn't even have standing for a suit like this.
Sure seems these two have (the Salvadoran illegals).
Isn't there some law there stating a criminal cannot benefit from injuries recieved as a result of committing a crime?Probably not in this situation.
Morris' Step-Daughter. Holly Buck, Maureene's daughter
by a previous marriage, is eighteen years old (R. 728). She was
seven years old when her mother and Morris married, and she has
lived with them in the house at Mathews from then until the
separation (R. 728). Holly testified that, in the summer of 1977,
Morris attempted to molest her in the following incident (R. 729):
One night Maureene and Morris were sitting drinking wine and
discussing a case Morris was trying. She was with them. Around
eleven or twelve o'clock Maureene went to bed and Holly stayed up
with Morris discussing the case. Morris kept offering Holly wine,
some of which she accepted. At Morris' suggestion, they went
outside to the pool, and he suggested that they go for a swim, but
Holly was tired and declined (R. 731). She went to her room and
then went into the bathroom. Looking out the window, she saw Morris
in the bushes beside the bathroom window looking in (R. 731). She
said "Morris, is that you", but he said nothing and ran away (R.
Two months later, she was asleep one night and Morris entered
her room from Ellie's room, through the bathroom. He was in his
underwear and he sat on the bed where Holly was lying on her stomach
facing away from the door. He touched her on the back and woke her
up. He told her that he had brough her a present, and he presented
her with a vibrator. He plugged it in and said he had brought it to
her. He proceeded to rub it on her back and said, "Let me show you
how to use it" (R. 733). She said that's not necessary, but he
started to place it between her legs when she raised he voice and
said no loudly. He then took the vibrator and left (R. 734).
All he had on was a pair of bikini underwear shorts (R. 734). About two
hours later, she had fallen back asleep and he came back in (R.
735). He brought the vibrator with him, plugged it in and said
again, "Let me show you how to use it." He tried to show her again
by putting it between her legs, but she raised her voice again and
he stopped. He took it and left (R. 635). She did not tell her
mother about this incident until the separation when they moved out
of the Mathews house in the spring of 1979 (R. 736).
The SPLC's fundraising practices have provoked the disapproval of watchdog groups that monitor charities: In 1993, the American Institute of Philanthropy assigned the SPLC a 'D' grade on a scale of A to F. [American Institute of Philanthropy 1993 Charity Watchdog Report]...
Today, the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising-$5.76 million last year-as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses...
The SPLC which has crusaded for the rights of blacks for 23 years, is controlled by whites. It has hired only two black staff attorneys in its history, both of whom left unhappy. 12 of 13 former Black employees interviewed by the Montgomery Advertiser complained they experienced or observed racial problems during their employment. Several said the SPLC was "more like a plantation."...
In 1986 the entire SPLC legal staff resigned in protest of Dees refusal to address issues such as poverty, homelessness, voter registration and other issues they considered more pertinent to poor minorities rather than to get rich fighting a Klan chimera....
Dees has actively campaigned for for laws in which "associations of two or more persons" who train in the use of firearms for defensive purposes are declared "illegal militias."...
Then there darned sure should be.
Prosecution of violaen criminal acts against them, OK, (this ain't open season--yet, but with rulings like this, it could be. Nethercott might be doing less actual prison time if he had just shot them).
Medical expenses, OK.
Punitive damages? NO.
This is going to be the new gravy train for shysters and illegals alike if they can come across the border, claim to have been injured by someone and collect.
Better than Vegas, you don't need so much as a coin to hit the jackpot.
the tax-exempt SPLC flunked an audit by the Arlington-based Better Business Bureau's Wise Giving Alliance, which requires that "a reasonable percentage, at least 50 percent of total income from all sources, should be applied to programs and activities directly related to the purposes for which the organization exists."
...SPLC...spent 89 percent of its total income on fund-raising and administrative costs...
Granted, administrative costs tend to run high when executive salaries are in the six-figure range. For example,... Morris Dees, SPLC's chief trial lawyer, pulls down a cool $280,699...
You must remember, he's busy spending tax money and running for re-election. Such other frivolities must simply wait.
I'm sure our two comerades in D.C. Will have it on their "to do" list right below getting the US out of the UN. I'm not holding my breath on their account. Perhaps the State of Texas (And any other border state) should consider legislation to this effect.
At first, I thought this HAD to be a joke also but now I'm wondering if Soros or some other Anti-American Socialist billionaires haven't lined the pockets of or just outright bought everyone wearing a robe here in the US.
I need to go take a shower. I can not believe this Bull Manure. Geez...
So yeah, don't hold your breath.
MR. SLEAZE THE HOMOSEXUAL
Homosexuality and debauchery in general is a sensitive subject for Dees. His ex-wife of 10 years was finally forced to divorce him after at least one homosexual encounter Dees had with Charlie Springman (then head of the National Endowment of the Arts) on Aug. 11, 1978 in the famous Watergate Hotel. Mr. Sleaze orchestrated the encounter on the couples 10th wedding anniversary.
In addition, ex-wife Maureen Bass Dees cited in divorce documents numerous mistresses Dees had relations with, including that of her daughter-in-law and seven year-old daughter.10
The question of how such a man and his Center of Hate can pretend to serve as societys moral crusader is a big one in the minds of many observers.
But then, should we really be surprised? What do we expect from the likes of Mr. Sleaze? His record shows he is not about morality, saving blacks from discrimination or protecting the liberties of Americans. His objectives are to destroy those he and his ADL handlers deem to be Identity, anti-New World Order and/or pro-gun; etc
Speaking at a Conference on Dismantling Racism, Morris Dees said, "'America is still deeply divided along a lot of lines. Sexual orientation ... gender lines, religion and especially class lines. Probably the line we're divided the deepest along is the racial line ...
Sunday, December 14, 2003
FBI Director's memo Full Of surprises
By J.D. Cash and Lt. Col. Roger Charles (U.S. Marine Corps Ret.) Copyright 2003 by McCurtain Daily Gazette
The McCurtain Daily Gazette has obtained an unclassified copy of a memorandum marked From the Director of the FBI containing several new facts that could impact the upcoming state murder trial of Terry Nichols, scheduled to begin March 1 in McAlester.
The electronic message was sent to the OKBOMB investigation task force and a select group of FBI offices around the nation some eight months after the 1995 federal building bombing in Oklahoma City left 168 dead.
The potentially explosive contents of the teletype, among other things, exposes an informant operation being conducted by nationally known civil rights lawyer Morris Dees through his organization the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC).
Exposed for the first time, the FBI acknowledged the SPLC was engaged in an undercover role where they monitored subjects for the FBI believed to be linked to executed bomber Timothy McVeigh, the white supremacist compound at Elohim City and the mysterious German national Andreas Carl Strassmeir.
Dated Jan. 4, 1996, the four-page cable was drafted and issued under the authority of FBI director Louis Freeh and is heavily redacted (portions blacked out).
Despite these redactions, the document clearly describes individuals the FBI believed were associated with the OKBOMB and BOMBROB cases two high profile domestic terrorism cases the FBI was investigating as possibly connected.
Many of the details in this potentially explosive document have never been made public before.
The OKBOMB case focused several hundred FBI agents on the truck bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995.
The FBIs BOMBROB investigation was much smaller. It involved a wide-ranging search for a group of neo-Nazi bank robbers in the mid-1990s whose stated goal was the overthrow of the U.S. government through violence.
Only days after the Jan. 4, 1996, cable was sent, the first two arrests were made in the BOMBROB case. Within 13 months of the electronic message, four more persons were jailed in connection with 22 bank robberies the radical rightwing group participated in across seven Midwestern states.
Each of the six individuals arrested in the BOMBROB case had ties to Elohim City, a Christian Identity paramilitary training camp near Muldrow.
Only two persons have ever been charged in the Oklahoma City bombing the 20th Centurys most brutal act of domestic terrorism that left 149 adults and 19 children dead.
In 1997, McVeigh was found guilty and executed in 2001 for his role in the crime.
Nichols, McVeighs co-conspirator, is serving a life sentence handed down by a federal judge in 1998.
It is widely believed that when Nichols goes on trial in McAlester facing an additional 161-counts of first-degree murder his lawyers will point the finger at other conspirators who they believe can be linked to McVeigh and the bombing in Oklahoma City conspiracy.
Director warns of plan for Strassmeirs escape
In the Jan. 4, 1996, document from the director, sketchy details of a plan are provided regarding an escape by a key subject wanted for questioning in the OKBOMB case. Facts would later emerge that this key individual also roomed with several members of the bank robbery gang rounded-up during the BOMBROB investigation.
Although his name was redacted, the key subject in the electronic message was Andreas Carl Strassmeir. He was a person the FBI officially listed as possibly armed and may be dangerous and who the director expected to cross the Mexican border in the near future.
Inexplicably, none of the offices that received this memo were in the state of Texas where Strassmeir had just arrived and was expected to make his escape across the Mexican border.
Other documents obtained by this newspaper indicate Strassmeir entered Mexico within a very short time of the directors statements predicting the move. Strassmeir made his way to Germany and the safety of his politically connected family in Berlin.
Equally difficult to understand, FBI agents apparently did not go to a residence in North Carolina noted in the electronic message where Strassmeir had been staying with a friend prior to his escape from the U.S.
This newspaper first reported that Strassmeir had been singled out for arrest by the ATF in early 1995, but those plans were thwarted by the Oklahoma City FBI office.
The Tulsa ATF office sought an arrest warrant in early 1995 for Strassmeir after an informant, Carol E. Howe, told them about a plot at Elohim City to bomb federal installations, commit mass shootings and kill large numbers of Americans.
Ms. Howe identified Strassmeir as one of the ringleaders in the plot.
Tulsa ATF officials were able to determine that the heavily armed German national was an illegal overstay on his travel visa, therefore subject to arrest on a host of charges.
However, last minute efforts by then-FBI special agent in charge of the Oklahoma City field office, Bob Ricks, scrubbed plans for Strassmeirs arrest when the FBI agent contacted U.S. Attorney Steve Lewis in Tulsa and complained about the ATF plan to raid Elohim City.
When this newspaper discovered documents confirming the FBI interdiction, Ricks sought to explain his actions by saying he successfully lobbied against Strassmeirs arrest in late February of 1995 because he wanted to avoid another Waco-style disaster by the ATF.
Months after the Oklahoma bombing, Strassmeir fled Elohim City and began hiding in Black Mountain, North Carolina. after this newspaper discovered and reported on a phone call to Elohim City from McVeigh was linked to him.
Nichols not a conspirator?
Also contained in the four-page document is a remarkable statement that raises doubts about the FBIs belief that Nichols was a conspirator in the OKBOMB case.
Regarding this revelation, the memo again describes the telephone call widely believed to have been made by McVeigh to Elohim City where Strassmeir and several members of a bank robbery gang were living on April 5, 1995.
The FBI director makes the following observation:
Prior OKBOMB investigation determined that (name redacted) had placed a telephone call to (name redacted) on 4/5/95 a day that he was believed to have been attempting to recruit a second conspirator to assist in the OKBOMB attack.(Emphasis added)
Thus, a plain reading of the Jan. 4, 1996, memo suggests the FBI director did not believe a second conspirator in the bombing existed on April 5, 1995 an embarrassing admission, indeed, considering that during two trials in 1997, federal prosecutors argued that Nichols was deeply involved in the bomb plot dating back to Sept. of 1994.
Morris Dees informant?
Also disclosed for the first time are references by the FBI director to an informant working for the Birmingham, Alabama-based Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), headed by civil rights attorney Morris Dees and who was present at Elohim City in the critical hours leading up to the bombing in Oklahoma City.
Referring to a telephone call on April 17, 1995 (alleged to have been from McVeigh), the memo states: (Name redacted) telephone call from (name redacted) on or about 4/17/95, two days prior to the OKBOMB attack, when (name redacted) of the SPLC, was in the white supremacist compound at (redacted), Oklahoma, notes the director. (Emphasis added)
References to an informant working for the SPLC at Elohim City on the eve of the Oklahoma City bombing raises serious questions as to what the SPLC might know about McVeighs activities during the final hours before the fuse was lit in Oklahoma City but which the SPLC has failed to disclose publicly.
Questioned during a press conference at Southeastern Oklahoma State University in Durant recently, Dees confirmed someone from his organization was inside the white supremacist compound at Elohim City on April 17, 1995.
If I told you what we were doing there, I would have to kill you, Dees replied when pressed to explain what this person was doing at a terrorist training camp.
Dees did acknowledge that his information network long ago established that McVeigh had been to Elohim City before the bombing.
But we didnt have him on our radar screen until he was arrested, Dees said.
Dees has written a number of books and articles about the militia movement in this country.
Many have criticized Dees attacks on right-wing militias and gun owners in the U.S. as inaccurate, exploitive and designed to get donations to his tax-exempt foundation, which receives substantial contributions each year.
The directors electronic message also alludes to a person at the Oklahoma white supremacist compound described by the FBI head as a subject with an allegedly, . lengthy relationship with one of the two indicted OKBOMB conspirators (emphasis added).
John Millar, a church elder at Elohim City, told the McCurtain Daily Gazette, I dont know who was out here back then. It doesnt surprise me that a bunch of Jews that work for Dees and that Southern Poverty (SPLC) bunch would be spying on us. They dont understand our message or anything about us. Why dont you ever write about the fact that no one has ever found a link to McVeigh here?
Until this memo surfaced, spokespersons for the FBI and the U.S. Department of Justice steadfastly denied they had any reliable information concerning any relationship between either McVeigh or Nichols and subjects living at or who had frequented the Elohim City compound before the bombing.
Attorney Stephen Jones, who represented McVeigh at trial in Denver, Colo., said he was not provided this information from the government despite repeated motions filed with the court.
We filed motions with the judge specifically asking for details of surveillance activities at Elohim City and other places. We were told by prosecutors that they had no records. Now you have some of them, Jones explained.
Also, as you know the FBI kept saying they had no information linking McVeigh to Elohim City beyond the one phone call on April 5. Well, as you can see, theres much more than that here.
Attorneys representing Nichols are bound by a gag order and unable to comment on the contents of this new information or whether they had copies of the material this newspaper had received.
A spokesman for the FBI office in Oklahoma City, Gary Johnson, said, The FBI still stands by the results of the most expensive and thorough investigation in history.
We arrested everyone in this crime and these conspiracy stories just waste our time.
Andy the German to flee
As noted earlier, one of the principal subjects referred to in the memo from the director of the FBI is Andreas Strassmeir, a foreign national with extensive military training the FBI identified as the person responsible for providing terrorist training to a number of neo-Nazi skinheads at Elohim City in the early and mid-90s.
Despite obvious links to bombing conspirator McVeigh at such a crucial time in the plot and the fact that several of the Germans neo-Nazi roommates and trainees later went to prison for criminal activities including murder, bank robbery, bombings, weapons violations and a conspiracy to overthrow the U.S. government the DOJ has said that Strassmeir was never officially questioned by the FBI while living for over seven years in the U.S. much of that time after his visa had expired.
Days after the directors memo was sent to the OKBOMB command post and five FBI field offices, Strassmeir crossed the Mexican border with the assistance of a former member of the U.S. Special Forces, David Holloway.
Strassmeirs flamboyant attorney, Kirk Lyons of Black Mountain, N.C., issued a bizarre statement after his client fled the U.S., admitting the C.A.U.S.E. Foundation (a non-profit organization established to help the victims of the Waco massacre) provided the money for Strassmeirs escape.
Lyons, the managing director of the C.A.U.S.E. Foundation, quickly confirmed that Strassmeir received help in the escape with one of the foundations associates, Holloway, with additional assistance provided by an elite corps of German counter-terrorism troops after the pair exited the U.S.
Although Strassmeir was wanted for questioning in the OKBOMB case at the time of his escape and was illegally in the U.S. at the time - and those facts were known to his attorney when he crossed the Mexican border with a member of the C.A.U.S.E. Foundation - attorney Kirk Lyons has never been charged with harboring a fugitive, obstructing justice or disciplined by the North Carolina Bar Association for his admitted role in assisting a client elude federal authorities.
(Special thanks to John Solomon with the Washington, D.C., AP office for his generous help and contributions that made this story possible.)
May 7, 2001
NEA Selects Morris Dees as Friend of Education. The National Education Association has selected Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) as its 2001 Friend of Education, an award previously given to such luminaries as Senators Ted Kennedy and Hillary Rodham Clinton. It will be interesting to see what the selection of Dees, often credited with putting the Ku Klux Klan out of business in Alabama, has upon the avowed leftists among NEAs delegates, who are far from one mind about Deess achievements.
For at least six years, noted left-wing journalists such as Alexander Cockburn, Jeffrey St. Clair and Ken Silverstein have criticized Dees as someone who fills his own pockets while "frightening elderly liberals into ponying up contributions with the fantasy that the heirs to Adolf Hitler are about to come marching down Main Street, lynching blacks and putting the Jews into gas ovens."
Harpers published a piece in November 2000 entitled "The Church of Morris Dees" in which Silverstein quotes a former Dees associate calling Dees "the Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker of the civil rights movement, though I dont mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye." Silverstein writes that the SPLC has an endowment of over $120 million, but spends twice as much on fund-raising as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses. Dees himself made $273,000 in 1999 and was named to the Direct Marketing Associations Hall of Fame.
In The New York Press last January, Cockburn called Dees and the SPLC "collectively one of the greatest frauds in American life," and quoted a former Dees partner as saying that the SPLC was "little more than a 900 number." Cockburn also cited an SPLC "special report" which claimed the groups that put together the Seattle anti-WTO demonstrations, including environmental groups and labor unions, had been infiltrated by "the hard-edged soldiers of neofascism."
The problem is worse than what is presented here. He is forming strategic alliances with foundations, such as Rockefeller, which will make him even richer, more powerful, and even more respectable and authoritative.
Ten Commandments ordered out of Alabama judicial building
"Justice Moore was trying to force his religious beliefs on the people of Alabama. He turned the hall of justice into a religious sanctuary where people drop to their knees and pray," said Morris Dees, co-founder of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which joined in a lawsuit to remove the monument.
Rev. Barry W. Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, called the ruling a setback for "Moore's religious crusade."
"It's high time Moore learned that the source of U.S. law is the constitution and not the Bible," Lynn said.
NY Times website down right now...bump for later read.
I've been told that I am on "the list". Evidently, if you ever run crossgrain to any of Morris's little regional moonbats, you get reported. I reckon I'm in good company.
Makes me want to puke that some illegal alien scum got this ranch in court.
Illegal Mexican immigrants are laughing themselves silly, with Viceroy Fox's blessings, and Jorge Bush is bowing and scraping. Al Qaeda has been sooooooooo stupid, they needed to take a lesson from Mexico rather than from the Unibomber. They didn't have to bomb any of our buildings to conquer America, which only earned them embarrassing setbacks in Afghanistan and Iraq. All they would have had to do is keep sending their minions in to squat here. They'd win by demographics, without exploding a single bomb.
This is as bad as it gets. A guy cannot stop trespassers when they are illegal aliens. He will lose his property in court.
Anti-trespassing laws are basic to property rights.
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