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To: Tailgunner Joe
it is now reported that the Russians have magnanimously offered to enrich uranium for Iran on their own soil -- soil that shares a long and convenient border with Iran.

Did Russia annex the former SSRs back and I missed it?

4 posted on 02/27/2006 11:57:30 PM PST by MitchellC (Foolishness isn't a mental disorder.)
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To: MitchellC

I was going to mention that the writer doesn't appear to have a good grasp of geography as well.
Makes you wonder what else he doesn't know that he thinks he does.


8 posted on 02/28/2006 2:39:06 AM PST by Cheburashka
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To: MitchellC; Tailgunner Joe; Cronos; Cheburashka; Joe Boucher
Lee Harris is obviously wrong on the land border between Russia and Iran. I follow his writings and respect the guy even when disagree with him. He made a mistake, he should have done his homework better.

But I got intrigued to check how they divide huge Caspian Sea (which is actually a lake), is there any international waters there. I was amazed to discover that the issue is not settled. See the article below.  Anyway, looks like there is no direct access from Russia to Iran even over the sea. Of course, in crisis situation nobody can stop Russian fleet if they decide to sail down to Iran for whatever reason. (I presume they have military fleet there, don't they?)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caspian_Sea

International disputes

  • Old division of the Caspian Sea between Iran and the USSR (and also between the Soviet Republics themselves).
  • See [Image:Caspian_Borders_New.PNG] for new division.
  • copyright info is inside the image.
  • New division of the Caspian Sea between the littoral states (not all borders are finaly agreed - see the article for details).
  • See [Image:Caspian_Borders_Old.PNG] for the old division.
  • source info is inside the image.

 

There are three major issues regulated by the Caspian Sea status: access to mineral resources (oil and natural gas), access for fishing and access to international waters (through Russia's Volga river and the canals connecting it to the Black Sea and Baltic Sea). Access to the Volga-river is particulary important for the landlocked states of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. This issue is of course sensitive to Russia, because this potential traffic will move through its territory (albeit onto the inland waterways). If a body of water is labeled as Sea then there would be some precedents and international treaties obliging the granting of access permits to foreign vessels. If a body of water is labeled merely as lake then there are no such obligations. Environmental issues are also somewhat connected to the status and borders issue. It should be mentioned that Russia got the bulk of the former Soviet Caspian military fleet (and also currently has the most powerful military presence in the Caspian Sea). Some assets were assigned to Azerbaijan. Kazakhstan and especially Turkmenistan got a very small share (because they lack major port cities).

  • According to a treaty signed between the Persian Empire (predecessor of today's Iran) and the Russian Empire the Caspian Sea is technically a lake and it is to be divided into two sectors (Persian and Russian), but the resources (then mainly fish) would be commonly shared. The line between the two sectors was to be seen as an international border in a common lake (like Lake Albert). Also the Russian sector was sub-divided into administrative sectors of the four littoral republics.
  • After the dissolution of the Soviet Union not all of the newly independent states assumed continuation of the old treaty. At first Russia and Iran announced that they would continue to adhere to the old treaty (but they don't have a common border any more, so this is practically impossible). Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan announced that they do not consider themselves parties to this treaty.
  • Later followed some proposals for common agreement between all littoral states about the status of the sea.
    • Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan insisted that the sectors should be based on the median line, thus giving each state a share proportional to its Caspian coastline length. Also the sectors would form part of the sovereign territory of the particular state (thus making them international borders and also allowing each state to deal with all resources within its sector as it wishes unilaterally).
    • Iran insisted that the sectors should be such that each state gets a 1/5th share of the whole Caspian Sea. This was advantageous to Iran, because it has a proportionally smaller coastline.
    • Russia proposed a somewhat compromising solution: the seabed (and thus mineral resources) to be divided along sectoral lines (along the two above-described variants), the surface (and thus fishing rights) to be shared between all states (with the following variations: the whole surface to be commonly shared; each state to receive an exclusive zone and one single common zone in the center to be shared. The second variant is deemed not practical, because of the small size of the whole sea).
  • Current situation

Russia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan have agreed to a solution about their sectors. There are no problems between Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, but the latter is not actively participating, so there is no agreement either. Azerbaijan is at odds with Iran over some oil fields that the both states claim. There have been occasions where Iranian patrol boats have opened fire at vessels sent by Azerbaijan for exploration into the disputed region. There are similar tensions between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan (the latter claims that the former has pumped more oil than agreed from a field, recognized by both parties as shared). Less acute are the issues between Turkmenistan and Iran. Regardless, the southern part of the sea remains disputed.

    • Russia and Kazakhstan signed a treaty, according to which, they divide the northern part of the Caspian Sea between them into two sectors along the median line. Each sector is an exclusive zone of its state. Thus all resources, seabed and surface are exclusive to the particular state.
    • Russia and Azerbaijan signed a similar treaty about their common border.
    • Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan signed a similar treaty about their common border.
    • Iran doesn't recognize the bilateral agreements between the other littoral states, but this has limited practical implications, because it doesn't have common borders with Russia and Kazakhstan. Also Iran continues to insist on a single multilateral agreement between all five littoral states (as the only way to achieve 1/5-th share).
    • The position of Turkmenistan is unclear.

After Russia adopted the median line sectoral division and the three treaties already signed between some littoral states this is looking like the realistic method for regulating the Caspian borders. The Russian sector is fully defined. The Kazakhstan sector is not fully defined, but is not disputed either. Azerbaijan's, Turkmenistan's and Iran's sectors are not fully defined. It is not clear if the issue of Volga-access to vessels from Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan is covered by their agreements with Russia and also what the conditions are for Volga-access for vessels from Turkmenistan and Iran.

 

13 posted on 02/28/2006 6:09:01 AM PST by Tolik
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