Our legislators and executive branch have attempted to sell out hard-working American CITIZENS in order to increase their own political power. It is a despicable plan to put CITIZENS at risk and to turn a blind eye toward the rule of law, which only is applicable when the legislators say it is applicable. I hope they pay for it dearly in the next election.
10:14 AM (39 minutes ago)
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The 2006 Swift Raids: Assessing the Impact of Immigration EnforcementActions at Six Facilities
http://cis.org/2006SwiftRaids
By Jerry Kammer March 2009
This is a recap of a report of a study done by CIS (the Center for
Immigration Studies). It reports on what has happened at Swift
meat-packing plants since the “raids”. If you want to read the full report
you can find it at: http://www.cis.org/articles/2009/back309.pdf
And the news is generally good. Wages are up some and working conditions
are somewhat improved. It also reports that, if wages at the plants went
up by a third, it would only cause a 3% increase in the price of the meat
produced.
This report should be used to counter some of the wild claims by “Pelosi
et al”.
jhf
Download the pdf version
On December 12, 2006, about 1,300 illegal immigrants working at six meat
processing plants owned by Swift & Co. were arrested in the largest
immigration enforcement action in U.S. history. Other illegal workers,
fearful of future raids, stopped reporting to work. Additionally, in the
months prior to the raids, new employee screening by Swift led to the loss
of about 400 illegal workers. The plants are located in Iowa, Minnesota,
Nebraska, Texas, Colorado, and Utah. This report examines the raids and
their aftermath.
Among the report’s findings:
As is the case in the entire industry, work at the six Swift plants is
characterized by difficult and dangerous conditions.
Like the rest of the industry, workers at these facilities have seen a
steady decline in their standard of living. Government data show that the
average wages of meatpackers in 2007 were 45 percent lower than in 1980,
adjusted for inflation.
We estimate that 23 percent of Swift’s production workers were illegal
immigrants.
All facilities resumed production on the same day as the raids. All
returned to full production within five months. This is an indication that
the plants could operate at full capacity without the presence of illegal
workers.
There is good evidence that after the raids the number of native-born
workers increased significantly. But Swift would not provide information
on how its workforce has changed. Swift also has recruited a large number
of refugees who are legal immigrants.
At the four facilities for which we were able to obtain information, wages
and bonuses rose on average 8 percent with the departure of illegal
immigrants.
There is a widespread perception among union officials, workers, and
others in these communities that if pay and working conditions were
improved, it would be dramatically easier to recruit legal workers
(immigrant and native).
Worker pay has a small impact on consumer prices. Research by the USDA and
others indicates that wages and benefits for production workers account
for only 7 to 9 percent of retail meat prices. This means that if wages
and benefits were increased by one-third, consumer prices would rise by 3
percent at most.
Research by the United Food and Commercial Workers union indicates that
pay to production workers accounts for only about 4 percent of consumer
costs. If that is correct, a 50 percent increase in wages would cause only
a 2 percent increase in consumer prices.
Turnover is high at all Swift plants, ranging from 40 to 70 percent per
year. Swift accepts high turnover as a cost of pursuing a business model
that emphasizes high-volume production. It spends heavily to replace
workers rather than seeking to retain workers by slowing production.
High turnover imposes severe stress on local communities and social
service agencies. It makes transience and upheaval a constant problem for
the communities. Many residents resent the price their community pays to
have the Swift plant as a large part of their local economy.
Swift has tried to reduce the employment of illegal immigrants with more
rigorous checks of documents presented by new workers. Several months
before the raids, the company contracted with the Tucson-based Border
Management Strategies for advice on hiring practices.
In addition to pay increases, Swift introduced a number of methods to
attract workers after the raids. The company paid bonuses to new
employees, and to current employees who recruited others. It also
advertised heavily, paid relocation expenses, and provided daily
transportation from distant population centers.
Reaction to the raids varied widely within these communities. Many members
of the communities were enthusiastically supportive of the enforcement
action, while other were sharply critical.
The Swift plants in Marshalltown, Iowa, and Hyrum, Utah, illustrate the
immigration connections that were established during the 1942-1964 era of
the braceros and extended through the 1986 amnesty. Many relatives and
neighbors of former braceros now work at Swift plants.