Hey. Objet. You worked for Allan Keyes didn't you? Shame on your hypocrisy. You must think Allan Keyes has dual loyalty and he's not a patriotic American. LOL. Take a look at his speech to the National Jewish Coalition:
Alan Keyes Speech to the National Jewish Coalition -- Nov. 28, 1995
Alan Keyes: Principles Which Shape the Human Conscience for Justice
Transcript & online distribution
by Kristin R. Kazyak
GARY POLARD: We now have the honor of hearing our third candidate for the office of president. I think we have an outstanding field for our presidential candidates as Republicans. It's a great honor for me today to be given the honor and responsibility to introduce to you Ambassador Alan Keyes. I think it can honestly be said that Alan Keyes has seen the worst the world has to offer. As a radio talk show host, as an educator, as an orator he has had the opportunity to talk with people from all over this great country and see the wealth of spirit, and courage, and compassion of the American people. And as well as that, he has seen the bad things.
As US Ambassador to the United Nations' Economic and Social Council and as an Assistant Secretary of State for International Organizations he saw how terrible life is for people living without freedom, and how brutal and nasty things can get in the international arena. And sometimes we forget that even in today's world, that most of the world does not live in a free country.
Today he comes to us with a compelling message, that all Americans who care about the future of our country must hear. It's a message that's very important for us as Republicans and for us as Americans and for us as Jewish Americans.
It's a great honor for me today to introduce to you Ambassador Alan Keyes.
ALAN KEYES: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. It's a great pleasure to be here, and come up on stage -- you've got to know that I feel good when I come up on stage and the first face I see is Chuck Lichenstein's face! Hi Chuck! How are you? Reminder of my days at the United Nations when we were fighting the good fight against those tendencies and forces in the world that denigrate American policy and freedom and all of those other important values that we hold dear, or *profess* to hold dear.
It's interesting. We have them in our mouths all the time. I wonder sometimes how serious we are about them? I guess the test comes at critical moments when we're called upon to do something about it. Called upon to make judgements or accept responsibilities that will actually require that we meet sacrifices and bear what turns out to be sometimes the very difficult burden, of being a free people that can never deny its interest in maintaining and preserving that justice which is the foundation of human freedom.
And I think I can be pretty sure that I share with this audience a sense of how important that is. But there again, you know, I wonder sometimes. We don't always think things through. And that can create great problems. I used to think about this when I was at the United Nations in those times, particularly, when I was called upon, as I was frequently while I was there, to deal with what was an orchestrated hostility in the UN context toward America's relationship with Israel.
You know, Israel had, I imagine it still has, unhappily, some countries in the United Nations that don't care for it very much, and don't respect its existence, and they were, in the course of my tenure there -- they're very vocal and they do it everywhere. And you'd actually think it very odd, I was the Ambassador to the Economic and Social Council, and yet I would have to say that I spent 50-60-70 percent of my time dealing with political issues and dealing with issues like the US-Israeli relationship, our policy toward the Middle East, because in *every* environment out there in the UN, wherever I was -- could be a population conference, it could be an economic conference, could be anything in the world, they would bring up their criticisms of the US partnership with Israel.
And I don't know, maybe out of some peculiar judgements about my predilections, Jeanne Kirkpatrick, for whom I was working then, seemed to think it was good idea to send me out as the paladin to fight these battles. And so I ended up, quite often, going into these fora and dealing with these issues. And you know what I discovered, particularly in the course of those battles, and talking to Americans thereafter about why it was important that we maintain the US-Israeli partnership?
What I discovered was that at one level, it's not always an easy argument to sustain -- at one level -- and that is the level where people start dealing in purely material factors, and they talk about the geopolitics, what we have to gain, what we have to lose, who we have to please, where the oil is, where it comes from, how much it means to us, all of these kinds of geopolitical, and geo-economic, and strategic considerations.
And it occurred to me in the course of my time, dealing at great intensity with those issues that, you know, in the end, you can't sustain the argument in favor of a strong partnership with Israel on the basis of those considerations.
The world has an unwieldy way of changing, so that folks can actually believe that there might even be geo-strategic reasons why we should *abandon* the partnership. Folks in the State Department have a tendency to think this way, you know. They actually see our relationship with Israel as a pain in the neck -- as something that interferes with our ability to deal in friendly fashion with the more numerous countries of the Arab world, and I sometimes think that that affected their mind very greatly because being as how there were more Arab clients, the "go along to get along" attitude of the State Department meant that they were more interested in trying to smooth the relationships with those clients. And very often, the need to stand firmly in our relationship with Israel interfered with that......
http://www.sandh.com/keyes/njc.html
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