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Chavez 'Walking on Glass' in Divided Venezuela***Far from presenting a solid base of support for the reinstated Chavez, the country's armed forces, which were directly involved in both ousting him and restoring him, were still seething with divisions and dissent. "He (Chavez) is the cause of this situation, and he should watch out," Army Gen. Nestor Gonzalez, who had spoken out against the president a day before the failed coup, told Mexican television from a hiding place somewhere in Venezuela.

Gonzalez accused Chavez of ordering armed forces commanders to deploy troops against the anti-government demonstration and he said the commanders' refusal had triggered the original decision to remove the president to avoid bloodshed. Following his triumphant return on Sunday, an apparently chastened Chavez, clutching a crucifix and a tiny blue copy of the constitution, promised to seek a national consensus. Many foes, who had accused him of ruling like a dictator and trying to steer the oil-rich country toward a Cuban-style regime, were skeptical, saying they wanted action not words.***

Hugo Chavez - Venezuela

July 2001- More Cuban trainers in Venezuela***But the former army officer who led a failed coup in 1992 has touched an especially raw nerve by insisting that the reforms in the education sector should be aimed at ensuring the ``irreversibility'' of his revolution. parents and teachers' unions complain that Chávez is not merely fixing problems, but rather trying to establish a Cuba-like system of political indoctrination for young minds. Among the controversial actions:

A new constitution written by Chávez supporters requires all schools to teach ``Bolivarian principles'' ---- a code phrase for Chávez's brand of leftist populism ---- and the pro-Chávez majority in the legislative National Assembly is preparing a bill laying out the exact curriculum. Last month, the president issued Decree 1011, creating a corps of ``itinerant inspectors'' empowered to close schools and fire teachers that don't follow government-set procedures and standards.

``Political commissars,'' Agudo called them. Jaime Manzo, head of the national teachers' union, called it ``a sword hanging over the head of any teacher who refuses to sing Chávez's praises in the classroom.'' Parents' groups and the teachers' union have appealed to the Supreme Court to block the decree and submitted to the assembly an alternate education reform plan that guarantees a ``pluralist education'' and bans ``partisan politics'' from the classroom.

New history texts for fourth- and sixth-graders published in 1999 praised Chávez's coup attempt and branded as ``corrupt oligarchies'' the two parties that ruled Venezuela since the late 1950s, Democratic Action and COPEI. Chávez has also greatly expanded a system of paramilitary classes in public high schools that had long been on the books but were seldom held, portraying them as ``the founding stones of the new Venezuelan man.''

``He is promoting militarism, infecting texts with viruses that foster class hatreds ... and speak against globalization and privatization,'' Raffalli said in an interview. Chávez recently signed a deal with Cuba under which Havana will train Venezuelan teachers and provide educational materials, and Education Minister Hector Navarro last year approved a nationwide essay competition on the life of Argentine-born Cuban revolutionary Ernesto ``Ché'' Guevara.***

Chavez allies probe media for backing coup*** Chavez's allies within the National Assembly plan to investigate allegations that country's major media outlets, especially Caracas-based television stations, helped to foment the protests that led to a failed coup April 12 and 13. Chavez always has been critical of the media and will seek ways to control the press.

Attempts to crack down on the media will test domestic support for Chavez as well as his willingness to fly in the face of international criticism - two issues that lie at the core of Venezuela's future. The failed coup attempt has, on balance, strengthened Chavez politically within Venezuela - though not nearly to the heights of 2000 - while weakening his opposition. And though Chavez, with the eyes of the international community focused upon him, is making "conciliatory" statements to his foes, he may be even more emboldened to ignore international pressure to protect human rights and democracy for the sake of his own political survival.

While the sustainability of the Chavez administration remains in serious doubt, the president is in a position to further consolidate his power - which may include cracking down on the media. And there may be little that the international community can do about it. ***