Report extract: the politics of hunger in Zimbabwe

Guardian - Observer (UK) ^ | May 26, 2002

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Online extra: extracts from the report by the Danish group Physicians for Human Rights, which documents the politicisation of Zimbabwe's growing food crisis. The full report contains detailed fieldwork examining the distribution of food in particular villages and towns, on which these findings and conclusions are based

Mugabe 'starves' opponents' children

Sunday May 26, 2002

Summary and Conclusion

The Presidential election in Zimbabwe took place on 9th - 11th March 2002. In a process described by almost all international observers as "unfree and unfair", President Robert Mugabe was announced the winner of the poll. Gross human rights violations were documented throughout the current election process, and were an important factor in condemnation of the election outcome.

Since the elections, there has been little international media attention to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, and this could lead to the misperception that the situation has improved, or normalised in the post election period. This is not the case; politically motivated, government-endorsed violence continues against those perceived to be supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

President Mugabe has stated publicly in the post election phase, that the government intends to repress its political opponents. Parliament has effectively been rendered irrelevant by its adjournment until August. New laws seriously restrict freedom of expression, association and assembly, and recent developments clearly show that the government intends to exploit the repressive powers given to it by these new laws. Furthermore, a senior member of ZANU has declared that the government will not respect the rulings of the court, if in disagreement with the interests of the government.

We document in this report that mutilating torture beyond any doubt is practised by government supporters against their political opponents in Zimbabwe in the post election period.

The fact that perpetrators do not care whether they torture people who can identify them, or whether their acts of torture or ill treatment leave marks that can easily be recognised as caused by torture, underlines a clear assumption on their part of impunity. This assumption appears well founded: no prosecutions against perpetrators have been made in any of the cases of torture and ill treatment that we documented, and this points to a deliberate policy by the authorities.

Furthermore, since the previous report published in January this year, we document a new phenomenon - the political manipulation of hunger in some areas to exclude those labelled as "MDC supporters" from all routes of gaining maize, the staple food. In rural areas, access to food is controlled by government mechanisms such as "food for work", and through regulation of all maize sales through the parastatal Grain Marketing Board. Food distributed by international donors is also in some districts proving to be subject to political manipulation by ZANU-PF.

The abuse of power related to food is not limited to war veterans, youth militia and elected councillors, but includes headmasters, businessmen, chiefs and traditional leadership.

Denial of access to food, particularly when children are victimised for the perceived political beliefs of their parents, should be considered a serious violation of human rights. It is apparent that there is the potential to influence government policy on distribution of food, through donor pressure and control at their own feeding points, and thereby restore some human rights in Zimbabwe.

Food: a politicised commodity in Zimbabwe, 2002

The entire southern African region currently faces severe food shortages, largely as a result of a serious drought. Worst hit countries include Malawi and Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe the food situation has been exacerbated by the farm invasions which have reduced the production of maize and other staple crops to a fraction of normal output. The disintegration of the commercial farming sector also means that the likelihood of Zimbabwe feeding itself as a nation in the foreseeable future is bleak.

Estimates from the United Nations and World Food Programme of how many Zimbabweans face imminent starvation vary from 600,000 to 3 million, and the maize shortfall is estimated at between 400,000 and 1 million tonnes. Maize is the staple diet of Zimbabweans.

There are three main ways of rural dwellers accessing maize at the moment. These are:

1. Government "food for work" programmes: it is a long standing policy that in times of drought, families with no harvest and no money to purchase food should perform public labour, for example repairing rural roads, in return for food.

2. Purchasing of maize through the government controlled Grain Marketing Board (GMB): by government ruling, all sales and movement of maize, including the price, is controlled by the government. GMB depots are found in all rural districts, and are the only buying points for maize at this time.

3. Donor feeding schemes for school children and under-fives, controlled to varying degrees depending on the district and the donor policy, by the donors themselves, the government, and the ruling party and its affiliates at ground level. This latter group include ZANU controlled rural district councils, traditional leadership, youth militia and war veterans. Other bodies including the official opposition have no recognised role in food distribution. At the rural level, in some places it has been documented the MDC are completely excluded from participation and control.

Hunger is politically abused in Zimbabwe at this time

The first two maize access mechanisms are run entirely at the discretion of government employees, and are particularly open to political selectivity: in rural areas, and also some urban areas, only known ZANU supporters are allowed to benefit.

Those who do not carry a ZANU card are not allowed to purchase maize from GMB even if they have the money to do so, and known MDC supporters report having maize stolen from them if they are lucky enough to buy it. The Daily News, 18th March and 25th March, key informant interviews from 8 districts. See also section following. It is also documented, including in the cases in this report, that members of "MDC families" are not able to take part in "food for work" programmes.

International donor feeding schemes are at times politically abused.

Denial of access to food, particularly when children are victimised for the perceived political beliefs of their parents, should be considered a serious violation of human rights. It is apparent that an important window of opportunity to influence government policy on distribution of food, is through donor pressure and control at their own feeding points. It is precisely because donor food remains the only viable option at all, for so many thousands of children who will otherwise starve, that this report is dealing in detail with the reality of food discrimination.

It is also categorically clear that donors are aware of the potential for political manipulation of food, and are pro- actively prepared to intervene when problems arise, and to correct them (see first two cases following). The purpose of this section is therefore not to suggest that all donor feeding is being manipulated but to highlight that problems currently exist in some areas, and could lead to politically-determined starvation.

Donor practice can make a difference, one that at times may reach beyond access to food and positively influence access to other facilities within the vicinity of feeding points.

The national scale of abuse of donor feeding schemes is not known at this time. In some districts, donor feeding is running apparently without problems, for example in most districts of Matabeleland, even though Matabeleland residents report widespread control of government- sourced maize.

Discrimination has been reported in rural areas where ZANU has a strong support base and MDC is a minority party, such as parts of the Midlands and Mashonaland. In these districts, donor food is at some feeding points manipulated by ZANU to exclude MDC children.

It appears that this food discrimination is most easy to manipulate in the under five feeding. The names of "MDC children" do not exist on some feeding scheme lists, as the lists are drawn up in the first instance by committees consisting entirely of ZANU supporting government structures. Such structures include: rural district councils, chiefs, headmen, headmasters and other prominent community members.

Food investigation: summary and conclusion

· During one short visit to one district, many first and second hand testimonies were collected about politically discriminatory practices against MDC supporters affecting all avenues of access to food, including that distributed by international NGOs, and including access to water. Interviews from other districts also indicate food discrimination elsewhere.

· In all cases of problematic food distribution, those implicated in politically manipulating access to food are ZANU-PF supporters; such abuse of power is not limited to war veterans, youth militia and elected councillors, but includes headmasters, businessmen, chiefs and traditional leadership.

· In the two cases of selective feeding practices brought to their attention during late March 2002, the international donor intervened and brought an end to the discriminatory practice. Information collected in May has been forwarded and assurances given that intervention will once more be made.

· Donors are able to restore non selective practice of feeding schemes through a firm policy of "Food for everybody or food for nobody".

· Where donor practice has changed owing to complaints, the experience has been empowering for those previously discriminated against.

· However it is clear that some schemes have been discriminatory for months without the donor being aware. This points to a need for much closer monitoring on the ground.

· Monitoring should include verification that all qualified villagers are on the feeding lists. This will imply contact with key informants from the local community other than the ZANU-PF dominated leadership; "ZANU leadership" clearly includes not just those structures that are normally assumed to be political, such as elected councillors and government officials, but also school staff, business people and traditional leadership.

· Particular monitoring is needed for feeding points that are placed outside of large institutions, where the programme depends on the ethical behaviour of single individuals.

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