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To: Poohbah
Except he went medieval on two guys without offering rock-solid evidence in support of it.

Medieval?

Here is the Muslim Public Affairs Council's excerpt of Gaffney's CPAC comments. Presumably, these would be the most damning.

Frank Gaffney's Comments During Question and Answer Period at CPAP Conference:

"... I'm sure quite unintentionally the president of the United States has repeatedly been put in the position of seeming to embrace the Wahabbists who are trying to dominate this religion (Islam) in our own country.... I received a press release the other day from an organization that is one of the leading Wahhabist sympathizers and, I believe, (Wahabist) funded organizations in this country called the American Muslim Council. It is an organization whose radical anti-American screeds have been much in evidence for many years... (T)his same organization recently crowed that their executive director, a black Muslim radical, was invited to the White House for a session to hector the administration about this rounding up of their co-religionists.... (I)n this press release they credited one (name withheld) for having gotten them into the White House. It turns out that (X's) father is one (X), the treasurer of the Islamic Delwah (sic) Center, a prominent Wahhabi mosque in Houston. But the reason he was able to influence whether (AMC Executive Director) Eric Vickers and the AMC were present at this White House meeting was because he is also, I believe, the associate director for cabinet affairs in the Bush White House responsible, if you can believe it, for the state department, the defense department and the justice department. This is not how we win the hearts and minds of peace-loving, pro-American Muslims, it is a perilous path and I hope that it will be corrected."

Here's an excerpt from Gaffney's open letter to Norquist:

In an open letter to Grover Norquist on February 7th, Frank Gaffney wrote that “…[I]t appears that the leaders of Wahhabi-associated or -supported organizations have parlayed the access they enjoy with senior Administration and congressional figures towards another undesirable end: to validate and publicize their false claim to be the sole legitimate representatives of the American Muslim community. This purpose has been served both by ensuring, until very recently, that essentially no one but Wahhabi-approved individuals were included in Muslim ‘outreach’ meetings with the President, his Cabinet officers and other, senior subordinates and that Muslims who shun all forms of terrorism were long excluded from such meetings. …The Islamic Institute, and you personally, have for several years played an instrumental role in promoting and facilitating the Wahhabis' access to the executive and legislative branches of the U.S. government.”

“At least one former senior staffer emerging from the Bush White House and numerous commentators have said that policy in this White House is driven by politics to an unprecedented degree, and that this may be the most political White House ever. In this light, it’s particularly disturbing to read reports that Grover Norquist might be using his influence and his top-level White House connections to bring those with terrorist associations into the Bush White House, and to represent them as the legitimate and sole representatives of the US Muslim community,” said National Jewish Democratic Council Executive Director Ira N. Forman. “The war on terrorism is of paramount importance in America today, and it cannot be compromised by politics or the need to help ideological bedfellows. Any person with terrorist ties should obviously not be ushered into the White House and legitimized in this way.

“Americans on September 11th were faced with an historic wake-up call. President Bush himself has said that the stakes in this war on terrorism are huge, and he is right. But the president cannot unite the country behind a war effort while permitting political consideration to compromise it. Political friendships and alliances cannot be permitted to divert us from the war against terrorism, and they must of course not permit individuals with terrorist ties from gaining access to the Bush White House.”
LINK

Are these unfair issues to raise? Is it medieval to do so?

Among Norquist's responses:

In an interview with NewsMax.com, Norquist said he wrote his letter because the two young White House Muslims whom Gaffney criticized were merely underlings carrying out decisions made by more senior White House officials.

“He decided to single out the kid who was a Muslim in both cases, even though the people making decisions are Presbyterians and Catholics, not Muslims,” the ATR president said.
LINK

The point over how much the two Moslem White House aides had to do with the decision to allow terroist sympathizers access to the Bush Administration is a niggling one. It begs the questions of why such access was allowed, and at whose ultimate instigation.

Norquist is in Clintonian attack mode, and is using the race-baiting charge to deflect attention from the real issue:

Grover Norquist is culpable in allowing the highest level White House access to radical Islamists, like those mentioned in Gaffney's article of February 18th:

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.

February 18, 2003

Who's with President Bush?

President Bush has characterized the choice to be made in this war on terror: "Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists." The stark clarity of this binary decision has served the United States well in marshaling a large number of nations in the fight against al Qaeda and a smaller, but still ample, number for the next phase of this war: the liberation of Iraq.

Regrettably, in the months since September 11, 2001, people who have made no secret of their sympathy for terrorists, provided them financial support, excused their murderous attacks and/or sought to impede the prosecution of the war against them have repeatedly been put in the company of the President. In other words, individuals and organizations who appear to be "with the terrorists" have time and again been allowed to be with the President in the White House and elsewhere.

For example:


  • On September 20, 2001 -- just nine days after the deadly attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon -- Shaykh Hamza Yusuf was the Muslim representative in a small ecumenical gathering held in the Oval Office. At the same time, FBI agents were trying to interview him at his house in California since he had declared two days before the attack: "This country is facing a terrible fate....This country stands condemned. It stands condemned like Europe stood condemned because of what it did -- and lest people forget that Europe suffered two world wars after conquering the Muslim lands." His wife told the incredulous agents Yusuf wasn't home, he was with the President.



  • Six days later, President Bush met in the Roosevelt Room with a Muslim imam by the name of Muzammil H. Siddiqi. Siddiqi is a long-time board member of several organizations in the United States funded by, and closely tied to, Saudi Arabia's radical state religion known as Wahhabism. Two of these groups, including one where Siddiqi still sits on the board, were raided in March 2002 by Federal authorities in pursuit of terrorist financing.

    This presidential meeting was all the more puzzling since the imam had shown his true colors by claiming, at a rally the previous October: "America has to learn...If you remain on the side of injustice, the wrath of God will come. Please, all Americans. Do you remember that? Allah is watching everyone. God is watching everyone. If you continue doing injustice, and tolerate injustice, the wrath of God will come."



  • On September 17, 2001, President Bush paid a visit to the mosque in Washington. There he was photographed flanked by Nihad Awad, the executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). CAIR has long been an admirer and public defender of terrorist organizations whose attacks against even innocent women and children it sees as legitimate acts of "liberation." Awad has personally declared, "I am a supporter of the Hamas movement."

  • Also in the picture with President Bush at the mosque was Khaled Saffuri, currently chairman of an organization called the Islamic Institute, which he co-founded with conservative activist Grover Norquist. Saffuri previously served as the development director of the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, a supporter of the Palestine Liberation Organization when it made no bones about using terrorism for political purposes. He went on to become deputy director of the radical American Muslim Council (AMC), under then-director Abduraman Alamoudi -- a publicly declared supporter of Hamas and Hezbollah, whose statements of solidarity with these groups prompted the Bush 2000 campaign to return his contributions.



    Under Saffuri's leadership, the Islamic Institute has attacked the Bush Administration's investigations of radical Muslim groups and closures of organizations suspected of funding terrorists. The Institute has been funded by groups raided in the above-mentioned terrorist financing investigations. It lobbied intensively against portions of the USA Patriot Act. And Saffuri has personally denounced the President's listing of the Holy Land Foundation as a charity that supported terrorist organizations. He has acknowledged sponsoring the children of suicide bombers through the Foundation, even after its closure by the government.

In addition to the President, a number of his senior subordinates -- including Cabinet officers -- have met, in some cases more than once, with members of the aforementioned and other organizations with troubling attitudes towards jihadist terrorists. A particularly bizarre instance was FBI Director Robert Mueller’s keynote address last year to the American Muslim Council.

The AMC has a long record of activities hostile to the Bush Administration’s prosecution of the war on terror. It has even urged Muslims not to cooperate with the FBI! Nonetheless, according to a press release dated last Thursday, Mr. Mueller has invited the AMC’s chairman, Dr. Yahya Mossa Basha, to attend an upcoming meeting with him and "leaders of major Muslim and Arab-American organizations."

It is very much in the President's interest -- and the Nation's -- that moderate, law-abiding, peace-loving and patriotic American Muslims be embraced and empowered by the Bush Administration and all those who support it in waging a war on terror, not on Islam. To do so, however, the Administration must not allow those who are "with" its enemies in that struggle to continue being with the President and his team.

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr., is President of the Center for Security Policy, a TownHall.com member organization.

©2003 Center for Security Policy

Contact Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. | Read his biography

LINK



More on Grover Norquist's friend, Khaled Saffuri:

Bush Challenges Terrorist Fronts


Posted April 29, 2002


Saffuri attended a closed luncheon with the treasury secretary to discuss the raids.
Media Credit: Roger Wollenberg/INSIGHT
Saffuri attended a closed luncheon with the treasury secretary to discuss the raids.
Federal agents raided more than a dozen homes and an Islamic institute in suburban Washington on March 20 as part of a continued sweep of organizations suspected of funding international terrorism. The raids were carried out by the U.S. Customs Service as part of the Treasury Department's "Operation Green Quest" to dry up terrorist finances. They targeted Muslim charitable foundations linked to extremist groups in the Middle East that financed political-influence operations in the nation's capital. Officials tell Insight some $1.7 billion was funneled through those organizations in recent years.

Instead of helping the FBI, Customs Service and other federal investigators, prominent Muslim groups — including one with close ties to the Republican Party — have protested the raids and accused the feds of insensitivity. They also have been putting the squeeze on the Bush administration to back off.

On April 4, according to an Islamic Institute bulletin, "Islamic Institute Chairman Khaled Saffuri and leaders of three Muslim and Arab-American groups attended a closed luncheon meeting … with Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill to discuss the recent raids of Muslim organizations, businesses and homes in Northern Virginia."

The bulletin continued: "The meeting was constructive, and the leaders expressed their concerns to Secretary O'Neill regarding the insensitive actions of Treasury agents during the raids against the Muslim-American organizations, and concerns of the community that civil-rights violations occurred. Secretary O'Neill promised that these concerns would be investigated."

The day before, the Islamic Institute met with Justice Department officials to, in its own words, "seek clarification of offensive statements about Islam recently attributed to Attorney General John Ashcroft."

Following the meeting, Islamic Institute Executive Director Abdulwahab Alkebsi said, "The Muslim-American community perceives that it is targeted for abuse right now, and the perception in the community when they hear statements like those attributed to the attorney general is that they are true. Positive confidence-building measures by the Department of Justice are needed to clarify that the community is not a target. Muslim Americans are ready to help their country in the war on terror, but they must be treated as part of the solution, not part of the problem."

That's all well and good, counterterrorism experts say, but such groups complaining about "insensitive actions" and "positive confidence-building measures" have been slow to offer help as citizens in the ongoing counterterrorism investigations. While the Islamic Institute belatedly urged speakers of Arabic, Farsi and other languages to help the FBI as translators, it never publicly called for its friends to support federal antiterrorism investigations with information. Instead, such groups have been more concerned with promoting their victim status.

Yet not all Muslim groups agree with Saffuri's attempt to cast U.S. Muslims as victims. Some urge cooperation with federal law-enforcement authorities. Ironically, they believe that instead of being courted they have been frozen out of dialogue with the Bush administration. "We are concerned that some government staffers may be undermining the best interests of our president and his administration — either wittingly or not," says Dr. Hedieh Mirahmadi of the Islamic Supreme Council of America. "It is no secret that our organization has repeatedly been excluded from White House, State Department and attorney general events with the Muslim community."

For Mirahmadi and others, there's no room for impeding domestic antiterrorism investigations. "It is our patriotic duty as Americans and our duty as Muslims to speak up against any attempt by extremists to mobilize the Muslim community against our country," she says.

Longtime observers of terrorist support groups liken today's situation to the 1980s FBI investigations of U.S.-based groups, such as the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), that raised money and served as propaganda organs for Marxist-Leninist guerrilla forces in Latin America.

< -snip- >

More than 15 years later, the Muslim charities raided in Northern Virginia, and related campaigns in many U.S. mosques, are seen as CISPES equivalents on behalf of Hamas and Hezbollah, which the State Department classifies as terrorist organizations. The outcry against FBI and Customs investigations and raids is the same as that of the FMLN supporters.

Even some of the characters are the same. Ratner and the Center for Constitutional Rights again are litigating and making public statements on behalf of terrorists and terrorist support groups. Conyers again is using his House Judiciary Committee post as a bully pulpit against the FBI.

Most recently Conyers was a plaintiff with Michigan media outlets in a lawsuit against the Justice Department to force the government to identify alleged terrorist detainees rounded up since Sept. 11 and to reveal the sensitive information federal authorities had against them. In April, a federal judge ruled in favor of the plaintiffs. Conyers' client, the evidence showed, was tied to a terrorist organization in the al-Qaeda network.

No one is alleging an al-Qaeda link with the groups raided in Northern Virginia, which seem devoted only to support for Hamas and Hezbollah. But the tactics of the "Muslim community" leaders mirror those of the CISPES network: deny the allegations, claim victim status, seek political refuge with prominent politicians and intimidate federal investigators into backing off.

Not all American Muslims are buying it. "Rather than becoming beacons for America's ideals by showing a willingness to submit to questioning by federal law enforcement instead of grandstanding about racial profiling, we are hiding behind the guarantees afforded to us by the very Constitution the terrorists sought to dismantle on Sept. 11," Pakistani-American businessman Mansour Ijaz wrote recently in the Washington Post. "Our anger demonstrates an inability to put citizenship before religious and ethnic allegiances and U.S. national-security interests before dubious claims of civil-rights violations."

After all, shutting off terrorist financing through nonprofits, whether the charities know whom they are funding or not, "is a paramount objective in America's war on terrorism," Ijaz noted. "The repeated denials by Muslim nonprofits about foreign sources of funding to operate their diverse and often dubious agendas are no longer enough. Neither are simplistic claims they fund legitimate causes abroad when the U.S. government — which they increasingly lobby and help to elect — has clear evidence to the contrary. If these groups want to lead America's Arabs and Muslims, they must lead first by setting an example for transparency and scrutiny."

That means, Ijaz wrote, that "America's Arabs and Muslims bear a special responsibility at this moment not to play the role of aggrieved victims. Rather, we should offer ourselves as resources to federal law-enforcement agencies interested in learning more about the complexities of our religious and ethnic roots; we should police our communities for sleeper agents; and we should stop the flow of foreign money — and its corrosive influence — into our political and religious nonprofit organizations."




Congressman Was Warned of Lobbyist's Suicide-Bomber Link

A December 2001 congressional staff memorandum to a Republican member of the House of Representatives warns of a lobbyist's financial support for a group raided by U.S. authorities for allegedly funding suicide bombers. The identities in the document are redacted, but senior federal law-enforcement officials confirmed its contents. Excerpts follow:

"Yesterday [a Muslim lobbyist] came into the office and I held a brief conversation with him. The conversation was so disturbing that it is only right that I bring it to your full attention. …

"[The lobbyist] told me that he is quite upset with the president for freezing the assets of the Holy Land Fund [sic], which Mr. [George W.] Bush had just done a few days before due to the fact that the money raised here in the United States helps support terrorist groups. Upon further discussion, [the lobbyist] told me that he is a financial supporter of this fund — the fund whose assets were frozen by the president. I asked him what the fund does, specifically, and [the lobbyist] told me that it supports the families — orphans, widows — of suicide bombers.

"In fact, [the lobbyist] went on to tell me, he even sponsors an orphaned child of a suicide bomber. He receives pictures and reports on this child's progress, thanks to the money [he] sends. He said he sees nothing wrong with his support of these people, that he's helping a child who has no father, etc.

"In light of the information relayed to me by [the lobbyist], I strongly recommend that this office sever all ties with [him]. My reasons are as follows:

"1. Even if under the best circumstances that [lobbyist] is innocently financing the group for the sole benefit of helping a fatherless child, he is still giving money to an organization that makes it possible for suicide bombers to carry out their missions. That is why President Bush froze their assets. The president was right to do so.

"2. In the wake of the September 11 attacks, it is imperative that you, as a member of Congress, receive your information about the Middle East and the Arab world from a source whom we can be sure has the best interests of the United States at heart. I do not believe this is the case with [the lobbyist]. I believe that his loyalties are elsewhere.

"I know [the lobbyist] is your friend and that you think highly of him. I believe that as your friend, if he is a true friend, he will understand the reason that you would not want to receive further counsel from him in light of his financial support for this organization."

Postscript: The congressman maintains his relations with the lobbyist. The staffer has since quit.

J. Michael Waller is a senior writer for Insight.

email the author

LINK

Who do you suppose wrangled that meeting for Khaled Saffuri, colleague of Grover Norquist and a supporter of suicide bombers, with the Secretary of the Treasury? Was it Grover Norquist? Are these not pertinent questions?






16 posted on 02/21/2003 9:48:41 AM PST by Sabertooth
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To: Sabertooth
That's not a "niggling" issue. That's what started the whole mess.

Had Gaffney made similar allegations against me, with comparable evidence to support it, I would have demanded a public retraction. The staffers did so--and Mr. Gaffney told them to go take an airborne fornication at a rolling doughnut.

That, apparently, pissed off Mr. Norquist.
18 posted on 02/21/2003 9:59:07 AM PST by Poohbah (Beware the fury of a patient man -- John Dryden)
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To: Sabertooth
If these groups are as bad as you paint them to be, why are they still operating freely in the US?

Could it be that regardless of how distasteful the opinion, this is still a country where people are free to support, and speak out in favor of misguided causes?

You are conducting a trail based on association when the groups that Norquist associated with have been charged with no crimes (thus far), and the one individual who HAS been charged, was charged yesterday.

Yet, at the time of the meeting between Bush and Al Arian, he was charged with nothing.
54 posted on 02/21/2003 10:52:22 PM PST by Luis Gonzalez (The Ever So Humble Banana Republican)
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  • On September 20, 2001 -- just nine days after the deadly attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon -- Shaykh Hamza Yusuf was the Muslim representative in a small ecumenical gathering held in the Oval Office. At the same time, FBI agents were trying to interview him at his house in California since he had declared two days before the attack: "This country is facing a terrible fate....This country stands condemned. It stands condemned like Europe stood condemned because of what it did -- and lest people forget that Europe suffered two world wars after conquering the Muslim lands." His wife told the incredulous agents Yusuf wasn't home, he was with the President.

Bay area suburbanite helps meld Muslim faith, modern culture

HAYWARD, Calif. — When Mark Hanson was a 1970s teenager growing up in Marin County as the privileged son of a college professor and a liberal activist mother, he barely escaped serious injury in an auto accident. Baptized Greek Orthodox and attending Catholic high school, he began to explore Buddhism, metaphysics and other philosophies. He read excerpts from the Quran, and he decided at 18 to become a Muslim, taking the name Hamza Yusuf.

"A lot of people get into something at that stage of life, and it's a phase," he says.

It wasn't a phase. Twenty-five years later, the 43-year-old Mr. Yusuf — as he is now known, though his legal name remains Mark Hanson — is one of the most popular and influential leaders of American Muslims, helping a younger generation of followers bridge the gap between traditional Islam and American culture.

His speech at a Muslim conference in Chicago last fall attracted more than 10,000 people. Similar crowds have flocked to hear him at New York's Madison Square Garden in the past decade. Videotapes of his talks sell briskly over the Internet. Nine days after Sept. 11, he was invited to meet with President Bush. Standing outside the White House, Mr. Yusuf declared, "Islam was hijacked on that ... plane as an innocent victim" — a statement that President Bush used in his speech to Congress that evening but that also prompted death threats from radical Muslims.

"He's kind of like a rock star for the religious set," says Syed Ali, who teaches sociology at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Va.

In the wake of Sept. 11, many of America's three million Muslims are struggling with what it means to be both Muslim and American. It's a dilemma Mr. Yusuf embodies: a white man in a religion still dominated by nonwhite immigrants; an American in a religion often deemed anti-American; a self-described moderate in a religion often seen as extremist.

The same day he visited the White House, Federal Bureau of Investigation agents knocked on the door of his home in California to quiz him about a speech he made Sept. 9 in which he said: "This country is facing a very terrible fate. ... This country stands condemned. It stands condemned like Europe stood condemned because of what it did — and lest people forget that Europe suffered two world wars after conquering the Muslim lands."

Mr. Yusuf says he regrets those remarks and some other strident speeches he made over the years. "Anger is a dangerous emotion and not a part of the Islamic tradition," he says. "There are Muslims in the community whose anger has led them to do some pretty horrendous things. That's a problem, a horrendous problem. I don't want to contribute to that."

Like Catholic and Jewish immigrants before them, America's Muslims are confronting the challenge of assimilation versus tradition. Muslims are one of the country's most successful ethnic or religious groups. Nearly three-fifths are college graduates. Half make more than $50,000 a year and are in managerial, medical, professional, technical or teaching jobs. And as they have become successful, American Muslims have drifted away from the faith. Just 20 percent of American Muslims attend mosque regularly, according to Hamid Dabashi, chairman of the department of Middle Eastern languages and culture at Columbia University in New York.

Recently, however, many American children of these immigrants are returning to the fold, enrolling in classes that teach classical Islamic law and traditions and, in the case of some women, choosing to wear a head scarf and robe even though they grew up in assimilated homes. At a convention of the Islamic Society of North America recently, one of the best-selling T-shirts among young Muslims featured a woman in a head scarf with the phrase, "It's good in the hood."

These second-generation Muslims often shun their parents' immigrant mosques, perceived as too rigid and out of touch with American values. They are turning instead to leaders like Mr. Yusuf, who calls for renewed Islamic learning and understanding of Muslim history, but understands the challenges of child rearing, spirituality and marriage in modern society. Fluent in Arabic, Mr. Yusuf is comfortable peppering his sermons with quotes from the Quran and references to Oprah Winfrey, talking about the history of Islam and describing his struggle to keep his children from spending too much time on the Internet.

"He's not living in the past, he's living in the present," says Altaf Husain, president of the Muslim Student Association, which has sponsored talks by Mr. Yusuf at scores of college campuses. "He speaks our language. He is able to articulate in an American accent what Islam is like for young people."

With his slim build, neatly trimmed mustache and soft-spoken manner, Mr. Yusuf looks like a professor at a liberal-arts college. His father, who for a while taught college English, named his son after Columbia University English professor Mark van Doren. Today, Mr. Yusuf lives in an upper-middle-class home at the end of a suburban San Francisco cul-de-sac with a minivan in the driveway. His Mexican-American wife converted to Islam two years after marrying Mr. Yusuf and wears a head scarf and robe. On a recent Friday night, their four young boys clamored for Mr. Yusuf to read to them and settle sibling squabbles. Mr. Yusuf's wife cooked enchiladas in the kitchen.

In some ways, Mr. Yusuf's background echoes that of another Marin County seeker drawn to Islam — John Walker Lindh, currently awaiting trial in the United States for fighting on behalf of the Taliban. But whereas Mr. Lindh embraced the radical Islam of al Qaeda, Mr. Yusuf became a Sufi, a member of a mystical, intellectual branch of Islam that attracts many white American converts.

When he was a child, Mr. Yusuf recalls, his mother kept a poem by a famous Sufi poet on the wall, right next to a saying by a famous Jewish sage. Eventually, his parents enrolled him in a Catholic high school. "My mother is a seeker," says Mr. Yusuf. One of his sisters converted to Orthodox Judaism when she married a Jewish husband. Another became Muslim after Mr. Yusuf converted. "My family has a pretty deep interest in the deep questions," he says.

Islam, with its vivid descriptions of a single God passing judgment on people in the afterlife, appealed to Mr. Yusuf. So did the discipline of praying five times a day. Meeting other American converts to Islam in California and elsewhere gave Mr. Yusuf a sense of belonging, he says.

After converting, Mr. Yusuf dropped out of college and spent the next decade traveling to the United Arab Emirates and Mauritania, learning Arabic and studying with Muslim scholars. During a visit to Algeria, he was arrested as a spy. "They didn't know what to make of this American who wanted to learn Arabic and study Islam," he says

Mr. Yusuf returned to California to complete his college degree and went on to get a nursing degree, planning to return to West Africa. Soon, he began teaching at local mosques, and his sermons struck a chord with young people, many of whom had drifted away from Islam. Many Muslim immigrants, says Mr. Yusuf, "were too complacent, too caught up in the American dream, the pursuit of material goals. They lost sight of the higher goals." But he adds: "That's easy for someone who grew up in Marin County to say. I didn't grow up in Madras, India, in poverty."

On a recent Saturday, Mr. Yusuf sat before a crowd of 200 people in a former church assembly hall, dressed in a white robe. A cameraman videotaped his sermon, to be copied and sold over the Internet. The crowd was racially and ethnically mixed. About 32 percent of America's Muslims are from South Asia or of South Asian descent; 26 percent are Arab-American. African-Americans make up about 20 percent of the country's Muslim population.

The topic this day was male-female relations. Traditional Islamic law, Mr. Yusuf told the crowd, treated women fairly, giving them the right to divorce and also a share of communal property. Though a screen divided the women in the hall from the men, they participated actively in the discussion. One asked whether it is proper under Islamic law to seek a divorce from her husband after they had been separated for two years. Mr. Yusuf said it is. Another woman asked for the titles of good books on raising children. Mr. Yusuf recommended one by a Muslim scholar and several by British and American authors.

While Mr. Yusuf peppers his talks with modern allusions, he also embraces tradition. He encourages followers to pray five times a day and to study Islamic texts. He believes women should dress modestly, with their heads covered. Though he lives in a suburb with a first-rate school system, he home-schools his children and doesn't own a television. "Islam means submissions," he says. "It is hard. It is supposed to be hard. If it weren't hard, it wouldn't be worth doing."

It's a message many young Muslims find appealing. Hosai Nisari was born in Afghanistan but didn't go to mosque or wear a veil when she was growing up in California. In college, she became more interested in Islam and decided to start wearing a head scarf and robe. She has been coming to Mr. Yusuf's talks since 1997 and now teaches at an elementary school run by a local mosque. "If you go to an immigrant mosque, you get ideas that are foreign," she says as she leaves the two-hour session. "He speaks to us from an American Muslim perspective."

Most controversially within the Muslim community, Mr. Yusuf is sharply critical of what he calls "political Islam" — the focus of many Muslim leaders on political issues, which he believes has turned many Muslims away from mosques.

"Middle East politics have become so central," he says. "It's definitely important, but it's one component in a very large tradition. The concern of the Muslim community has to be centered here. There needs to be a lot more outreach to people alienated from mosques, people alienated from the anger-based approach."

Mr. Yusuf has expressed his own anger about Israel in the past. In 1995 he said, "The Jews would have us believe that God has this bias to this little small tribe in the middle of the desert and all the rest of humanity is just rubbish. I mean that is the basic doctrine of the Jewish religion, and that's why it is a most racist religion."

Mr. Yusuf says he regrets those remarks, saying they were "inappropriate, non-Islamic and out of character." He says he and many other Muslims have allowed "political animosity" over issues like the Middle East to become "racial and ethnic animosity."

"We have to change that," he says. "I am groping with that myself." Even before Sept. 11, Mr. Yusuf was delivering sermons urging Muslims to show respect for Jews and meeting with rabbis.

Upon hearing of the Sept. 11 attacks, Mr. Yusuf says, his first response was to pray that Muslims weren't involved. When it became clear that they were, Mr. Yusuf says he became aware of the "deep rage in parts of the Muslim community." Suhail Khan, a Muslim aide in the Bush administration who had heard Mr. Yusuf speak over the years, invited him to the White House to meet with Mr. Bush the day of the president's Sept. 20 address to Congress. Mr. Yusuf was one of six religious leaders, and the only Muslim, to meet the president privately, presenting him with a copy of the Quran. Mr. Yusuf attended the speech that evening, sitting near first lady Laura Bush.

Lately, Mr. Yusuf has become increasingly critical of Muslim countries, even as he says he is troubled by the United States invasion of Afghanistan. Unchecked power in the hands of any government can lead to repression and unilateral military action, Mr. Yusuf says. "The only reason that Muslim countries are not doing it is because they do not have the power," he said in a sermon delivered after Sept. 11. "That is why they can only do it to their own population."

Such views, and Mr. Yusuf's critique of mosques that focus on Middle East politics, are prompting criticism from other Muslim leaders.

"Mr. Yusuf is a popular speaker, but I don't think he is a relevant figure in Muslim politics," says Agha Saeed, national chairman of the American Muslim Alliance, which encourages Muslim involvement in politics. "His political views don't reflect the feelings of the community. The Palestinian issue remains central to American Muslims."

After Sept. 11, says Mr. Saeed, Mr. Yusuf responded "more as a person born in this country. The different parts of his biography came into conflict."

It's a conflict Mr. Yusuf says he shares with growing numbers of American Muslims. "We're struggling to find not only our identity in this country, but our voice," he says.

Following the recently concluded World Economic Forum, Mr. Yusuf sat in a New York hotel lobby, dressed in a conservative dark suit, sipping tea, reflecting on meetings with American business and political leaders, as well as influential Arabs, some of whom were consumed with talk of American conspiracies against their interests.

It pains him, he says, to hear the "us versus them" approach that Muslims and Americans often take with each other.

"I'm one of us, and I'm one of them at the same time," he says.
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
Jonathan Kaufman | Feb. 15, 2002





85 posted on 03/11/2003 7:24:58 AM PST by Sabertooth
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