Posted on 11/16/2001 1:18:49 PM PST by rface
Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia last night criticized a perspective that has swept through courts, law schools and the public during the past 50 years - that the Constitution is a living document evolving with society.
"This is a Constitution that morphs, that means whatever society wants it to mean," Scalia told an audience of about 500 last night in Conservation Hall at the University of Missouri-Columbia. It represents "a new orthodoxy" thats spread "deeply into public consciousness."
Proponents of a "flexible" Constitution contend it is a "living organism that must grow with the society it governs," Scalia said disparagingly. They believe that if the document doesnt grow, it will "become brittle and snap. The Constitution is not a living organism. It is a legal document, for Petes sake."
Scalia described himself and Clarence Thomas as the lone "originalists" on the high court who believe the Constitution should be read for the meaning it had when it was adopted in 1791.
Until about 50 years ago, "originalism used to be constitutional orthodoxy," he said. But at law schools these days, someone could "fire a round of grapeshot in the faculty lounge and not hit an originalist."
Advocates of a living Constitution contend it provides flexibility on issues such as the death penalty, Scalia said, which they contend is unconstitutional in light of "evolving standards of decency that reflect a maturing society."
Provoking laughter, Scalia characterized that view as "Pollyannaish."
"My Constitution does not prohibit the death penalty," he said. Capital punishment "may be a bad idea, but if its a bad idea, pass a law."
Scalia suggested the same remedy regarding abortion. "If you want abortion, pass a law. If you dont want it, persuade your fellow citizens the other way. Thats flexibility."
Scalia said the constitutional shift was apparent in recent court decisions. When Colorado voters approved a law that would have barred sexual preference from becoming a protected status in that state, "some thought it was terrible and must be unconstitutional." A majority of the Supreme Court agreed, "on the basis of - I have no idea - the sexual preference clause of the Constitution," Scalia said. The same day, the Supreme Court ruled that a $4 million punitive-damages award for a scratch on a BMW car was "in violation of - I have no idea - the excessive damages clause of the Bill of Rights."
"I say, a pox on both their houses," Scalia said. "It has nothing to do with whether youre a social liberal or a social conservative."
Flexible interpretations can result in the loss of freedom, Scalia said, citing a decision that allows juveniles in molestation trials to testify in a room separate from the defendant and the court. "You may like the result of that, but dont pretend that decision did not eliminate a liberty that used to exist," he said.
Scalia closed with a warning for people who "worry about the federal government getting too big for its britches."
"I have to tell you, learn to love it," he said. "Who do you think is going to protect the states?" Jabbing a thumb at his chest, he answered, "Im a fed. There is no instrumentality to check the government."
Scalia fielded questions from a mixed audience of students, faculty and community residents.
A couple of hundred people were turned away for lack of space. Outside the hall, a handful of protesters carried signs, including one that challenged a high court decision that helped resolve the 2000 election.
Scalia, 65, has served on the Supreme Court since 1986, when he was nominated by President Ronald Reagan. Married and a father of nine children, he was among a 5-4 majority that denied a hand recount of disputed ballots in Florida.
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----------------------------------- Reach George Mazurak at (573) 815-1722 or gmazurak@tribmail.com
The person who introduced him said, "Free Speech does not cover hecklers - as agreed with by the ACLU. Any Disruptors will be asked to leave."
500 packed the auditorium, and there was another 500 out in the hallways that weren't allowed to get in.
By-the-way. I did see a Sore/Loserman T-Shirt in the audience last night, and I did bump into a MIZZOU Freeper (The Right Wing Conspiracy).
Ashland, Missouri
Justice Scalia, dissenting.
I am optimistic enough to believe that, one day, Stenberg v. Carhart will be assigned its rightful place in the history of this Courts jurisprudence beside Korematsu and Dred Scott. The method of killing a human childone cannot even accurately say an entirely unborn human childproscribed by this statute is so horrible that the most clinical description of it evokes a shudder of revulsion. And the Court must know (as most state legislatures banning this procedure have concluded) that demanding a health exceptionwhich requires the abortionist to assure himself that, in his expert medical judgment, this method is, in the case at hand, marginally safer than others (how can one prove the contrary beyond a reasonable doubt?)is to give live-birth abortion free rein. The notion that the Constitution of the United States, designed, among other things, to establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, . . . and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, prohibits the States from simply banning this visibly brutal means of eliminating our half-born posterity is quite simply absurd.
Even so, I had not intended to write separately here until the focus of the other separate writings (including the one I have joined) gave me cause to fear that this case might be taken to stand for an error different from the one that it actually exemplifies. Because of the Courts practice of publishing dissents in the order of the seniority of their authors, this writing will appear in the reports before those others, but the reader will not comprehend what follows unless he reads them first.
* * *
The two lengthy dissents in this case have, appropriately enough, set out to establish that todays result does not follow from this Courts most recent pronouncement on the matter of abortion, Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992). It would be unfortunate, however, if those who disagree with the result were induced to regard it as merely a regrettable misapplication of Casey. It is not that, but is Caseys logical and entirely predictable consequence. To be sure, the Courts construction of this statute so as to make it include procedures other than live-birth abortion involves not only a disregard of fair meaning, but an abandonment of the principle that even ambiguous statutes should be interpreted in such fashion as to render them valid rather than void. Casey does not permit that jurisprudential noveltywhich must be chalked up to the Courts inclination to bend the rules when any effort to limit abortion, or even to speak in opposition to abortion, is at issue. It is of a piece, in other words, with Hill v. Colorado, ante, p. ___, also decided today.
But the Court gives a second and independent reason for invalidating this humane (not to say anti-barbarian) law: That it fails to allow an exception for the situation in which the abortionist believes that this live-birth method of destroying the child might be safer for the woman. (As pointed out by Justice Thomas, and elaborated upon by Justice Kennedy, there is no good reason to believe this is ever the case, butwho knows?it sometime might be.)
I have joined Justice Thomass dissent because I agree that todays decision is an unprecedented expansio[n] of our prior cases, post, at 35, is not mandated by Caseys undue burden test, post, at 33, and can even be called (though this pushes me to the limit of my belief) obviously irreconcilable with Caseys explication of what its undue-burden standard requires, post, at 4. But I never put much stock in Caseys explication of the inexplicable. In the last analysis, my judgment that Casey does not support todays tragic result can be traced to the fact that what I consider to be an undue burden is different from what the majority considers to be an undue burdena conclusion that can not be demonstrated true or false by factual inquiry or legal reasoning. It is a value judgment, dependent upon how much one respects (or believes society ought to respect) the life of a partially delivered fetus, and how much one respects (or believes society ought to respect) the freedom of the woman who gave it life to kill it. Evidently, the five Justices in todays majority value the former less, or the latter more, (or both), than the four of us in dissent. Case closed. There is no cause for anyone who believes in Casey to feel betrayed by this outcome. It has been arrived at by precisely the process Casey promiseda democratic vote by nine lawyers, not on the question whether the text of the Constitution has anything to say about this subject (it obviously does not); nor even on the question (also appropriate for lawyers) whether the legal traditions of the American people would have sustained such a limitation upon abortion (they obviously would); but upon the pure policy question whether this limitation upon abortion is unduei.e., goes too far.
In my dissent in Casey, I wrote that the undue burden test made law by the joint opinion created a standard that was as doubtful in application as it is unprincipled in origin, Casey, 505 U.S., at 985; hopelessly unworkable in practice, id., at 986; ultimately standardless, id., at 987. Todays decision is the proof. As long as we are debating this issue of necessity for a health-of-the-mother exception on the basis of Casey, it is really quite impossible for us dissenters to contend that the majority is wrong on the lawany more than it could be said that one is wrong in law to support or oppose the death penalty, or to support or oppose mandatory minimum sentences. The most that we can honestly say is that we disagree with the majority on their policy-judgment-couched-as-law. And those who believe that a 5-to-4 vote on a policy matter by unelected lawyers should not overcome the judgment of 30 state legislatures have a problem, not with the application of Casey, but with its existence. Casey must be overruled.
While I am in an I-told-you-so mood, I must recall my bemusement, in Casey, at the joint opinions expressed belief that Roe v. Wade had call[ed] the contending sides of a national controversy to end their national division by accepting a common mandate rooted in the Constitution, Casey, 505 U.S., at 867, and that the decision in Casey would ratify that happy truce. It seemed to me, quite to the contrary, that Roe fanned into life an issue that has inflamed our national politics in general, and has obscured with its smoke the selection of Justices to this Court in particular, ever since; and that, by keeping us in the abortion-umpiring business, it is the perpetuation of that disruption, rather than of any Pax Roeana, that the Courts new majority decrees. Id., at 995996. Todays decision, that the Constitution of the United States prevents the prohibition of a horrible mode of abortion, will be greeted by a firestorm of criticismas well it should. I cannot understand why those who acknowledge that, in the opening words of Justice OConnors concurrence, [t]he issue of abortion is one of the most contentious and controversial in contemporary American society, ante, at 1, persist in the belief that this Court, armed with neither constitutional text nor accepted tradition, can resolve that contention and controversy rather than be consumed by it. If only for the sake of its own preservation, the Court should return this matter to the peoplewhere the Constitution, by its silence on the subject, left itand let them decide, State by State, whether this practice should be allowed. Casey must be overruled.
"I have to tell you, learn to love it," he said. "Who do you think is going to protect the states?" Jabbing a thumb at his chest, he answered, "I'm a fed.
WTF?! How can he retain even the appearance of impartiality after such OUTRAGEOUS statements? He can't contain the scope of the fed because he's a fed? It appears he has a serious conflict of interest that keeps him from confining expanding federal power, one that is supposed to be stopped by checks and balances that his position is supposed to provide.
"There is no instrumentality to check the government."
Um, Scalia that's what the Constitution is supposed to do. Your position exists for the sole purpose of serving as a check and balance against the other two branches in case they violate the Constitution.
I can't believe he said this and anyone here still respects him. I certainly don't.
And this is the closest the court has to an 'originalist'? No wonder our country has wandered so far from constitutional rule.
LOL.
How can you be sure he was being sarcastic? I'd love to think he was, but I didn't see anything suggesting it.
If he wasn't being sarcastic, his comments are outright scandelous. And people got so upset over Monica Lewinsky. If he meant what he said, this is far, far worse.
One of his statements were, Get used to It!, when he spoke of the evolving constitution, because originalists are in the minority, and will remain so until there is a groundswell that pushes people like Scalia and Thomas into a majority.
Thanks for your help. If that is Scalia's true opinion, I retract my statements.
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