Sotomayor 's journey in life was one of feel sorry for me. She admits she was a affirmative action baby. She says she did not have the grades her peers did to get into college. Yet, she was admitted. Just as Obama's radical past was erased, Sotomayor's race based decisions were dismissed. People who worked with her said she was hard on them and often caustic. Not a lady of blind justice. Sotomayor became a supreme court judge based on her hardships in life. Obama's choice because she was radically left and would side with his agenda.

Senator Leahy comes out like gangbusters in protecting their their far left progressive nomination. Vicious attacks Leahy said. All true but still vicious. Much of a lying hypocrite Leahy? What of your vicious lies against Clarence Thomas simply because he was a black conservative?

06/02/09 LEAHY: It won't be in June. We'll decide when the hearing is going to be, but I'll tell you one thing that will motivate me to go sooner rather than later, when you have vicious attacks and leading Republicans call her the equivalent of the head of the Ku Klux Klan and call her a bigot, totally false and outrageous charges, there's only one place she could answer those charges, would be in a hearing. I want her to have a chance to answer those charges.

We never heard about Clarence Thomas childhood struggles until he wrote “My Grandfather’s Son.” This man of honor earned his way in life. There would be no sob stories to get a advancement for Thomas. Nothing Sotomayor went through in her life compares to Clarence Thomas. And then instead of honoring this man for how far he had come and for his intelligence in rule of law, democrats Like Leahy tried everything including lies and setting Thomas up to stop this confirmation. In the end Clarence Thomas own mother fainted she had lost so much weight from stress of how the democrats were treating her son. She saw for the first time in her life what her own party truly was about, she stayed by his side as she realized that democrats were lynching her son.

“I’ve never doubted the greatness of a country in which a person like me could travel all the way from Pinpoint to Capitol Hill.” ~Justice Clarence Thomas

Clarence Thomas’ “My Grandfather’s Son”

Before the confirmation hearings, Sen. Howell Heflin kept calling Thomas in for interview after interview. Soon, says Thomas, he figured out what was up. Heflin had to find a reason to vote against him.

“Bob Packwood, on the other hand, was direct: he said that he liked me, agreed with me on many things that I had said, and thought that I would be a fine member of the Court, but that he couldn’t vote for me because his political career depended on support from the same women’s groups that were opposing my nomination,” Thomas writes.

” Al Gore was equally candid when a friend of mine approached him, saying that he’d vote for me if he decided not to run for president,” Thomas recalls. “Strange as it may sound, I appreciated that kind of honesty. It took a certain amount of courage for these senators to admit their real reasons for voting against me instead of making up some transparent excuse.”

Once, his grandfather asked him why he had become a Republican. Thomas answered that the Democrats no longer represented the things his grandfather had taught him.

He had no clue how his mother voted until the famous Senate confirmation hearings when Sens. Patrick Leahy, Metzenbaum, Joe Biden, Paul Simon and Teddy Kennedy all lined up against her son.

Senator Biden was the first questioner. Instead of the softball questions he’d promised to ask, he threw a beanball straight at my head, quoting from a speech I’d given four years earlier at the Pacific Legal Foundation and challenging me to defend what I’d said. ”I find attractive the arguments of scholars such as Stephen Macedo, who defend an activist Supreme Court that would strike down laws restricting property rights.” That caught me off guard, and I had no recollection of making so atypical a statement, which shook me up even more. “Now, it would seem to me what you were talking about,” Senator Biden went on to say, “is you find it attractive the fact that they are activists and they would like to strike down existing laws that impact on restricting the use of property rights, because you know, that is what they write about.”

Since I didn’t remember making the statement in the first place, I didn’t know how to respond to it. All I could say in reply was that “it has been some time since I have read Professor Macedo … But I don’t believe that in my writings I have indicated that we should have an activist Supreme Court.” It was, I knew, a weak answer. Fortunately, though, the young lawyers who had helped prepare me for the hearing had loaded all of my speeches into a computer and at the first break in the proceedings they looked this one up. The senator, they found, had wrenched my words out of context. I looked at the text and saw that the passage he’d read out loud had been immediately followed by two other sentences: “But the libertarian argument overlooks the place of the Supreme Court in a scheme of separation of powers. One does not strengthen self-government and the rule of law by having the non-democratic branch of the government make policy.” The point I’d been making was the opposite of the one that Senator Biden claimed I had made.

On his mother, “Never before had I seen her as angry as she was in the fall of 1991,” he writes. “All her life she’d assumed that Democrats in Washington were sensible leaders — but now she saw these men as single-issue zealots who were unwilling to treat her son fairly.” She said: “I ain’t never votin’ fo’ another Democrat long as I can draw breath. I’d vote for a dog first.”

The mob I now faced carried no ropes or guns. Its weapons were smooth-tongued lies spoken into microphones and printed on the front pages of America’s newspapers. It no longer sought to break the bodies of its victims. Instead it devastated their reputations and drained away their hope. But it was a mob all the same. And its purpose — to keep the black man in his place — was unchanged.

As a child in the Deep South, I’d grown up fearing the lynch mobs of the Ku Klux Klan; as an adult, I was starting to wonder if I’d been afraid of the wrong white people all along. My worst fears had come to pass not in Georgia but in Washington, D.C., where I was being pursued not by bigots in white robes but by left-wing zealots draped in flowing sanctimony.