Posted on 04/14/2002 4:01:40 AM PDT by Cincinatus' Wife
LINKS to Hugo Chavez's "government" June 2001 - March 2002
I'm keeping track of Hugoland formally known as Venezuela. Please LINK any stories or add what you wish to this thread. The above LINK takes you to past articles posted before the new FR format. Below I'll add what I've catalogued since that LINK no longer could take posts.
(March 1, 2002)-- Venezuela's strongman faces widespread calls to step down
By Phil Gunson | Special to The Christian Science Monitor
[Full Text] CARACAS, VENEZUELA - The man who won Venezuelan hearts three years ago as a strongman who could deliver a better life to the masses is now facing them in the streets.
More than 20,000 people turned out this week calling for the resignation of President Hugo Chávez, while some 2,000 supporters marched in a rival demonstration of support. The demonstrations come after months of building discontent with a president who has managed to alienate the labor class, the media, business groups, the church, political parties, and the military.
Four military leaders have publicly called for his resignation.
In November, Chávez introduced 49 "revolutionary" decrees. The package of laws - affecting everything from land rights and fisheries to the oil industry - unified virtually the whole of organized society in a nationwide business and labor stoppage that paralyzed the country on Dec. 10.
The protests this week have a note of irony, because they started out as a commemoration called by President Chávez. In his eyes, Feb. 27 is a milestone of his so-called revolution - "the date on which the people awoke" in 1989. That is when thousands of rioters and looters took to the streets in protest of an IMF-backed austerity plan, in which the government hiked gas prices.
In what became known as the caracazo, or noisy protest, thousands of rioters and looters were met by Venezuelan military forces, and hundreds were killed. Three years later, Chávez and his military co-conspirators failed in an attempt to overthrow the government responsible for the massacre, that of President Carlos Andres Perez. Chávez was jailed for two years.
"But the elements that brought about the caracazo are still present in Venezuela," says lawyer Liliana Ortega, who for 13 years has led the fight for justice on behalf of the victims' relatives. "Poverty, corruption, impunity ... some of them are perhaps even more deeply ingrained than before."
Chávez's supporters consist of an inchoate mass of street traders, the unemployed, and those whom the old system had marginalized. This, to Chávez, is el pueblo - the people.
"But we are 'the people' too," protests teacher Luis Leonet. "We're not oligarchs like he says. The oligarchs are people like Chávez, people with power."
On Wednesday, Leonet joined a march led by the main labor confederation, the CTV, to protest what unions say is a series of antilabor measures, including one of the 49 decrees dealing with public-sector workers.
Chávez won't talk to the CTV, whose leaders, he says, are corrupt and illegitimate. So he refuses to negotiate the annual renewal of collective contracts with the confederation, holding up deals on pay and conditions for hundreds of thousands of union members like Leonet.
Across town on Wednesday, a progovernment march sought to demonstrate that the president's popularity was as high as ever.
"For the popular classes, Chávez is an idol," says marcher Pedro Gutierrez.
Pollster Luis Vicente Leon, of the Datanalisis organization, warns that marches are no measure of relative popularity. "There is a lot of discontent among ... the really poor," Leon says, adding that so far the protests are mainly among the middle class.
But the middle class can be a dangerous enemy. It includes the bulk of the armed forces, and the management of the state oil company, PDVSA.
This month, four uniformed officers, ranging from a National Guard captain to a rear-admiral and an Air Force general, called on the president to resign, while repudiating the idea of a military coup of Chávez, himself a former Army lieutenant-colonel.
But senior "institutionalist" officers "are under severe pressure from lower ranks frustrated at the lack of impact" that these acts have had, a source close to military dissidents says. In other words, a coup cannot be ruled out, although the United States publicly denounces the idea.
Meanwhile, the president's imposition of a new board of directors on PDVSA this week sparked a virtual uprising by the company's senior management. In an unprecedented public statement, managers said the government was pushing the company "to the verge of operational and financial collapse" by imposing political, rather than commercial, criteria.
The political opposition remains relatively weak and divided. But in the view of many analysts, a president who offends both the military and the oil industry is asking for trouble. In the bars and restaurants of Caracas, the debate is no longer over whether Chávez will finish his term, which has nearly five years to run. It is when and how he will go - and what comes next. [End]
By Venezuelan standards, the protest Friday was small, but Castro's imprints on Venezuela continue to loom large. Clearly, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez prefers a Marxist dictatorship cloaked in a constitution that puts him in control of the economy, the courts, the news media and the legislative branch. "We voted for change, but we didn't vote for a revolution," Juan Fernandez told me recently. Fernandez was a key player in the nation's petroleum industry until Chavez fired him to put a political hack in charge. Fernandez's firing, and that of others, led to the failed coup against Chavez a year ago.
About 200 Venezuelans living in the Orlando area came out to hear Fernandez speak earlier this month about his blueprint for peaceful change. He is among those Venezuelans who are leading the charge for new, democratic elections, just recently meeting with Bush administration officials in Washington. But because Fernandez was among those who participated in the national strike against Chavez's government late last year, he's now a wanted man in Venezuela. Fernandez is among several prominent Venezuelans in the growing opposition movement whom Chavez wants to send to prison. His case remains pending. Fernandez's "crime" was simply to offer an opposing point of view. No guns, no secret plots, but a very public national strike seeking new presidential elections.
Since the strike ended, Chavez has moved aggressively to squeeze out businesses, big and small. Chavez has made it illegal, for instance, for Venezuelan businesses to pay in U.S. dollars for goods imported into the country or to get paid in dollars for exports even as the country's currency plunges downward. Venezuela watchers note that of the $1.3 billion that Venezuelans have sought in U.S. currency, the Chavez regime has released only about $30,000, mostly to cover living expenses for students studying abroad.
Chavez has used the failed strike as a pretext to clamp down -- not unlike Castro's move to nationalize foreign enterprises, seize all U.S. dollars and quash any dissent on the island in the early 1960s. Castro argued then that the revolution was under attack from Uncle Sam. Chavez, too, has tried to make that argument, even though polls continue to show that most Venezuelans want new presidential elections.***
Venezuela's opposition already has collected more than 2.5 million signatures, more than enough to call the vote. Chavez claims the signatures are invalid because they were gathered before the midpoint of his term, or August. The case is before the courts. "We can't allow them to constantly change the rules of the game," Alfonzo told Union Radio. "The referendum will be held whether the government wants it or not." ***
Allende consented so as to get into office but he had no intention of containing his militant constituents, backed by Fidel Castro, and their appetite for power. It is true that the U.S. disliked Allende immensely and considered his victory a big defeat. It is also true that the CIA was lurking about in Latin America during those Cold War years and that the U.S. funded Allende's political opposition. But in the succeeding three years Allende would ruin himself by destroying the country. Chileans would drive him from power. The military had the idea to send him into exile but instead, according the Journal's crack reporter, Everett Martin, who interviewed Allende's doctor, he committed suicide. This has been disputed by Allende supporters but put to rest by reliable testimony.
There is no lack of historical data to back this up. One useful compilation is "Out of the Ashes," by James R. Whelan, a history of Chile from 1833 to 1988. Sharp political divisions helped Allende get and hold power for three years despite his radicalism and his reckless economics. He cleverly used the law to shield himself while he consolidated that power. There were assaults on the press, extensive nationalization of businesses and a methodical effort to build a shadow army, which produced mounting violence throughout the period. The weapons for his informal army were coming from Cuba, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. In the end there were enough to "equip a division of 15,000 men," according to Mr. Whelan.***
…………….. Chavez's visit to Brazil was the third since Silva took office on Jan. 1, but this was the first specifically to discuss business, not politics. For years, Brazil was little more than a customer for Venezuelan oil. But the populist Chavez has pushed for closer ties with Silva, Brazil's first leftist president in 40 years.
……………. The refinery is a long-standing economic development idea to meet the needs of Brazil's north and northeast, a vast poverty-stricken region with a population of 40 million - nearly a fourth of Brazil's 170 million people and almost double Venezuela's 24 million. It would also improve refining capacity for Venezuela and Brazil, Chavez said. Brazil exports crude oil, but must import gasoline because it lacks refining capacity. "We want to refine oil in or as close to Venezuela as possible - in the Caribbean, in the Andes or here in Brazil," he said. "We can refine all this oil here and sell gasoline not only in South America but also in the Caribbean and Africa." ***
A smaller group of supporters of Castro and Chavez, many carrying posters of Castro, confronted them. The two sides exchanged taunts and insults, then started throwing stones and bottles. Police fired tear gas to separate them. The topic of communist-ruled Cuba, where Castro is facing a storm of international criticism over his crackdown, is highly sensitive in Venezuela. Venezuelan President Chavez, a former paratrooper who was first elected in 1998, is a close friend and political ally of the Cuban leader and has turned his oil-rich country into the Caribbean island's single biggest trading partner.
Venezuela ships oil to Cuba under a preferential energy accord and several hundred Cuban doctors, coaches and sugar specialists work in the South American country. Foes of Chavez accuse him of trying to imitate the Cuban leader and of seeking to install Cuba-style communism in Venezuela. Venezuela was the only country in Latin America to vote with Cuba this month against a U.N. Human Rights Commission resolution calling on the communist state to accept a visit by a U.N. envoy to probe alleged abuses. The resolution was passed overall by 24 votes to 20, with nine abstentions. [End]
Inspired by Cuba's system of urban market gardens, which has been operating for several years, left-wing President Hugo Chavez has ordered the creation of similar intensive city plots across Venezuela in a bid to develop food self-sufficiency in the world's No. 5 oil exporter. "Let's sow our cities with organic, hydroponic mini-gardens," said the populist former paratrooper, who survived a brief coup a year ago and toughed out a crippling opposition strike in December and January. Inside Fuerte Tiuna military headquarters, soldiers of the crack Ayala armored battalion supervised by Cuban instructors have swapped their rifles for shovels and hoes to tend neat rows of lettuce, tomatoes, carrots, coriander and parsley.
Since his election in late 1998, Chavez has drafted the armed forces to serve his self-styled "revolution" in a range of social projects, from providing medical services to running low-cost food markets for the poor. Besides the military vegetable patch in Fuerte Tiuna, the government has also planted a 1.2 acre (half-hectare) plot in Caracas' downtown Bellas Artes district. The market garden, denominated "Bolivar 1" in honor of Venezuela's independence hero Simon Bolivar, is being run by an agricultural cooperative set up in a nearby poor neighborhood.
PUBLIC SKEPTICISM The sight of sprouting vegetables nestling in concrete-lined earth beds behind wire fences in central Caracas causes many passers-by to stare. "This might be all right to provide for a family but not to feed a country," scoffed Diego Di Coccio, a 40-year-old unemployed businessman. "They should use the money to unblock the drains," said chemical technician Hector Gonzalez, pointing to the piles of rubbish in the streets around. Skeptics question why resource-rich Venezuela should need urban vegetable gardens when it has hundreds of thousands of acres of fertile farming land, much not in use. ***
***The United States is now at a crossroads.
First, the United States must buck what is becoming a trend in the Western Hemisphere; namely, that democratic means are being manipulated by leftist leaders to preclude the United States from affecting or supporting "regime change," lest it appear to subvert the democratic process. To this end, the removal of Fidel Castro from power could provide a benchmark against which all pro-Castro leaders can judge their future behavior.
Moreover, a congressionally approved regime change in Cuba could at this moment accomplish three other important tasks: One, Fidel Castro's absence would have a detumescent effect on those leftists who exhibit a penchant for Castro-ism. Two, a positive regime change would eliminate Fidel Castro's ideational inspiration, which serves as the greatest source of intellectual, ideological, and political anti-Americanism in the region. Three, the United States would destroy one of the most powerful logistical infrastructures for supporting terrorist movements. Cuba's military and intelligence advisors would no longer be able to assist anti-U.S. regimes or terrorist organizations.
Second, The United States must demand that Brazil abandon any material attempt to obtain weapons of mass destruction. Any evidence to the contrary should result in devastating consequences. On the terror front, the United States can test the veracity of Brazil's numerous pledges to fight terrorism by requesting an unequivocal denunciation of the FARC and an exhibition of the appropriate legal measures to support this rhetorical decision.
Third, without Fidel Castro's intellectual, ideological, and political influence, Hugo Chavez would assume the status of an unimpressive despot akin to Saddam Hussein's Yasser Arafat. At that point he might be more easily contained until a future date when the people of Venezuela can be encouraged to elect someone more competent to lead that great country.
Unless the United States government adopts a coherent Western Hemispheric strategy to counter the influence of the Castro- da Silva-Chavez tripartite, one can expect to witness the growth of this "axis" and a concomitant rise in terrorist related activity in the region. As an example of things to come the Washington Times reported on 7 April 2003 that Al Qaeda terrorists had plans to enter the United States illegally through Mexico to carry our attacks against various targets. It is wholly conceivable that these terrorists could one day commence operations from secure locations in the Western Hemisphere and given enough time they may even attain a nuclear weapons capability courtesy of an anti-U.S. regime.
To borrow a phrase from the Bush Doctrine: "…the United States cannot remain idle while dangers gather."***
An extensive analysis of government policies in the magazine, Primeira Leitura, linked to important corporate and political circles, says the PT sought to "verticalize the political process from day one." "Translation: the party seeks to 'PT-ify' all society's representative groups and decision makers. This effort is based on political sociology: once securing the state apparatus, the PT wishes to reinvent the state and society itself" (Reinaldo Azevedo and Rui Nogueira "Democracia neles," Primeira Leitura, March 2003).
Commenting on the demagogic aspects of some proposals by the Lula administration, Denis Lerrer Rosenfield, professor of philosophy at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, points out that the government intends to "stage a show of 'direct' or 'participatory' democracy by fostering an increase in the governing party's power to the detriment of democratic and republican institutions" (Denis Lerrer Rosenfield, "O perigo da demagogia," O Estado de S. Paulo, 3/10/2003).
President Lula da Silva makes no secret of the fact that his present policies, including economic policy, are temporary. Facing criticism from PT radicals at a recent meeting of the Party's National Directorate, Lula asked for "patience to wait for a change of direction in the economic area" (Vera Rosa and Mariana Barbosa, "Na área social, o nosso forte, estamos fracos," O Estado de S. Paulo, 3/16/2003).
This uncertainty awakens deep suspicions about the true intentions of the Lula administration and its future policies. "The fear is that the Lula administration will change its economic course as it loses popularity and faces problems with its grassroots political support.
"Despite the government's repeated assertions to the contrary, this fear still lingers among the corporate world and investors. It also remains among some political operatives" (Lu Aiko Otta, "Investidores temem mudança de rumos," O Estado de S. Paulo, 3/17/2003). The same news item quotes economist and consultant Roberto Padovani who believes that "the temptation to abruptly change economic course persists." He says that, facing the Iraq conflict, "analysts fear extreme measures such as currency exchange controls." ***
Taken as a whole, these programs fail to form a broad, coherent public policy, said Luis Pedro España, a poverty expert and director of the Institute of Economic and Social Studies at Andrés Bello Catholic University in Caracas. But they go a long way toward explaining Mr. Chávez's enduring popularity as the economy shrinks. The programs - ranging from new homes to subsidized food markets to mobile clinics - are welcomed in long-neglected barrios, deftly spread, and then their importance inflated, Mr. España said. "The government does not really have a social policy," he said. "What they have is social theater."
………….. The programs have the feel of old-style patronage. With them, Mr. Chávez has managed to erase doubt among followers by taking up the populist script in a way that has not been seen in Latin America in recent years, spending hours with crowds of followers. In Caricuao, a poor neighborhood of Soviet-style apartment blocks in southwest Caracas, his aides led a hunched group of elderly women from the crowd and provided them seating under a white tent, just feet from the president, who was there to inaugurate the first of what will be 100 markets across the city. Afterward, they expressed everlasting loyalty.
"He does not care if you are rich or poor," explained Irda de Belandria, 66. "His heart is so pure." But for the neighborhood, the affection for Mr. Chávez may outlast the material effect of the markets, which offer only a modest assortment of goods like canned products, powdered milk and sugar. Even the actual opening was unclear. The president left, and military officers shut the metal gates over the storefront. One woman asked when it would reopen. "I do not know," a military official said. "They told us tomorrow, maybe."***
"It's the same format, the same script, the same characters," Chavez said, drawing similarities with a failed military coup against him last year and a series of high-profile killings in recent months. On each occasion the opposition has blamed civilian deaths on violent supporters of the government and said a climate of impunity has prevented those responsible from being convicted.
Ricardo Herrera, a 46-year-old construction worker, was shot and killed at Thursday's rally by an unknown gunman who escaped on a motorcycle. Police have made several arrests in connection with the shooting. Cofavic, a Venezuelan human rights group, said Saturday that political violence is on the rise and attributed the problem in party to a lax justice system. Cofavic said 57 people have been killed and over 300 injured by gunfire in politically motivated violence since the failed coup in April 2002. Almost all the killings remain unsolved and no connection linking either the government or the opposition to any of the deaths has been established. [End]
"In this moment of pain, Colombia cannot surrender," said Uribe, who was elected promising to crackdown on the guerrillas. "Now, we have to fortify our decision to defeat terrorism." The deaths of Antioquia state governor Guillermo Gaviria, former Defense Minister Gilberto Echeverri and eight security force members outraged Colombians and led to renewed calls for the government to negotiate with the rebels. Three other hostages escaped, though two of them were injured. ***
The escaped rebels said to be deceived and demoralized because of the way they were treated in the guerrilla movement.
The eight were added to the list of 270 rebels who deserted the guerrilla organizations in 2002. Since the beginning of the "demobilization" process that has been in place for already four years, 2,575 men and women have joined the benefits program offered by the government.
These people will have a chance at reinserting themselves into society with the warranty of education financing, paid health programs and the option of a credit for a small business after two years. The costly program, however, is possibly underfunded and has prompted the government of Uribe to lobby for a tax that would be directly destined to pay for social rehabilitation efforts.
Ex-guerrilla soldiers are also granted amnesty under the reinsertion program, except when accused of crimes to humanity, which are dealt with at the International Criminal Tribunal according to the Rome Treaty, signed by 63 nations during former President Pastrana's government. The inclusion of a clause in the Rome Treaty that prevents guerrilla soldiers from being sued for war crimes within the context of civil war in Colombia for seven years since the signing of the treaty signals certain openness of the Colombian government to dialogue amid a strong military campaign aimed at eradicating terrorism. ***
"In this moment of pain, Colombia cannot surrender," said Uribe, who was elected promising to crackdown on the guerrillas. "Now, we have to fortify our decision to defeat terrorism." The deaths of Antioquia state governor Guillermo Gaviria, former Defense Minister Gilberto Echeverri and eight security force members outraged Colombians and led to renewed calls for the government to negotiate with the rebels. Three other hostages escaped, though two of them were injured. ***
The 18 are some of the most protested pro-Chavez government officials and have possibly had a hard time going to lunch or traveling by plane. The revolutionaries are obviously disturbed and do not tolerate the sounds of cups and pans against tableware, the symbol of protest in Venezuela.
The articles read "any kind of threat against a government official or civil servant … to intimidate him, pressure him to stop or continue doing something related to his post will be punished with jail sentences ranging from one to three years or two to four in the case of higher government official."
Incitement to acts that violate the public order through the media or any other medium will also be punished with sentences of up to 10 years, according to a second article. Worse yet, incitement to hatred of government officials will face sentences of three to six years.
If the crimes are considered provokers of stoppages of food distribution or oil production, the verdict of treason to the nation could be applied and punished with up to 10 years in years in prison or submitted to military tribunal.
The articles are written so vaguely that the line between a criminal act and any kind political activity is blurred, leaving the decision to incriminate or not entirely to the judges' discretion. It is well known that the Supreme Courts of Justice in Venezuela are not an entirely independent body and that President Hugo Chavez is calling for expanding the number of appointed judges in the hope to secure a majority that will cater to his political goals.
The proposal came directly from the Presidential Palace to Congress, obviating the usual procedure that rules the initial approval of the Judicial Commission in the legislative body, signaling weakened support for the president in what used to be his territory.
It is unpredictable how congressmen will vote in relation to the project, especially in view of the clear applicability of the law to the president himself, who is the main instigator or violence and hatred. It is hoped that congressmen who have turned to the opposition ranks will not try to vote against Chavez by approving the law.***
After a devastating and permanent removal from the market of at least 250 million barrels during the strike, the country's oil production is now about 2.6 million barrels a day, compared with 3.4 million before the PDVSA strike. This partial rebound is misleading because 1 million barrels a day comes from foreign company "associations" in Venezuela and 800,000 barrels a day come from the giant North Monagas and El Furrial fields. These fields are now being produced at full throttle with many technical questions as to the long-term damage that this overproduction may cause. Decapitation of the engineering staff has led to a big drop in production from the more challenging fields. Such a decline will accelerate further and will become devastating next year and thereafter. It is not just the dearth of know-how; there will be no money to reinvest.
PDVSA today has the largest debt in its history. Service companies, oil carriers and suppliers are now owed probably $3 billion to $5 billion, accumulated over the last five months. Coupled with the fact that the Exim Bank has eliminated all credit guarantees for Venezuela and Chavez's own debt to his constituents, whose bribing will have to be manifested in increased welfare spending and giveaways, point toward a very turbulent time ahead. It will be interesting and somewhat breathtaking to watch the "show" by the new PDVSA delegation this week in Houston. ***
………. "If it were not for for Rush Limbaugh, the Washington Times,and Fox News -- those organizations, entities, have finally managed to break the dam," Collins said. "Ph.D. pieces could be written about this subject, dozens of them."***
The six months of talks between Chavez's government and Venezuela's opposition have produced just an agreement in February to end verbal insults and political violence. And even that pact has been forgotten. The mudslinging reached a new low after an opposition general strike curbed Venezuelan oil production and cost the economy $6 billion but failed to oust Chavez.
When a protester was slain during an opposition May Day march, Vice President Jose Vicente Rangel blamed the opposition and said that government adversaries were obsessed with "necrophilia." Interior Minister Gen. Lucas Rincon told cadets at a police academy graduation that opposition leaders were "brain-damaged" because of excessive expectations on fighting crime. Carlos Ortega, a labor boss granted asylum in Costa Rica after leading the general strike, said Chavez was "not well in the head." Chavez routinely assails what he calls a "fascist," "terrorist" and "coup-plotting" opposition.***
..........Had we not supported Israel, had we not backed the corrupt Saudi monarchy, had we not been buddies with Egypt, had we not been somehow complicit in Third World poverty, had we not developed blue jeans and T-shirts and rock music and premarital sex, the World Trade Center might still be standing and the Pentagon untouched. .......Below the surface of this reasoning seethes a perplexing animosity toward the United States -- not the people but the government and the economic system. Possibly it has its roots in the Great Depression, when capitalism seemed kaput and socialism so promising, and the government an adjunct of moneyed interests. At the same time, of course, governments on all levels -- federal, state and local -- were unabashedly racist.
Almost none of that still applies -- although money still talks. Yet the impulse to blame America first lingers, an atavistic reflex that jerks the knees of too many on the left and has cost the Democratic Party plenty over the years. Jeane Kirkpatrick, a former Democrat, put her finger on it 19 years ago. It's about time the Democrats listened to what she had to say.***
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