JAYNA DAVIS - why won't Rohrbacher bring my video interviews before his committee in closed session?

Jayna Davis and I had an interesting phone conversation this morning. She is still waiting for a plane ticket to D.C. and an invitation to testify about the OKC bombing. Neither has been forthcoming.

Is it good news that Rep. Dana Rohrbacher (R-CA) is demanding a new probe of the OKC bombing? Maybe. But is it going to really get to the truth about the Middle Eastern connection to OKC? Maybe not.

Last year, David Schippers, famous for prosecuting both the Chicago mob and William Jefferson Blythe Clinton, flew to OKC to meet Jayna and her witnesses. Dave spent 12 hours grilling 14 of them on camera.

When he was finished, he told Jayna that, with just three of them, he would get a federal indictment of Hussain al-Hussaini in one day. FBI agent Dan Vogel told her he could do the same -- with one of her witnesses. That is how credible they were.

So why, Congressman Rohrbacher, did you tell Jayna that the committee has no budget to fly her to Washington, D.C.? What is the problem? Are we finally going to get the truth or is this grandstanding?

Andreas Carl Strassmeier has six witnesses saying that he was building a fence at the time of the bombing. He couldn't have been with McVeigh. Of 1100 fingerprints tied to the crime scene, none are Strassmeier's. Not one of 30,000 witnesses ties Strassmeier to the crime.

Here is a question for you, Congressman. Well, actually seven questions. Ten months ago, Jayna gave these to you in writing and still is waiting for the answers.

1. Why has the Justice Department/FBI not issued an official on-the-record statement exonerating Hussain Al-Hussaini of complicity in the Oklahoma City bombing? Has the DOJ provided Congress with Hussain Al-Hussaini’s whereabouts for the critical hours of the morning of April 19, 1995?

3. Why did the FBI previously suspect Al-Hussaini’s employer of ties to the Palestinian Liberation Organization?

4. Why were the original motel registration logs where witnesses testified McVeigh checked in with Al-Hussaini’s Iraqi cohort the evening of April 18, 1995, never returned to the establishment’s owner?

5. Whatever happened to the brown Chevrolet pickup that was seen carrying Middle Eastern suspects from the bomb site? The Oklahoma City police found fingerprints inside the recovered truck. Why were these prints not compared to the immigration files of the three Middle Eastern nationals whom witnesses observed in that getaway vehicle before, during, and after the bombing?

6. Why did the Bureau rebuff my efforts to surrender the witness statements and supporting evidence in September 1997? Why did the FBI withhold from the defense teams the twenty-two witness affidavits that I delivered to FBI Special Agent Dan Vogel in January 1999?

7. Why were the prior warnings issued by the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare that predicted an Islamic attack in the “heart of the U.S.” disregarded as an indicator of foreign participation?

Congressman Rohrbacher needs to bring Jayna and Schippers to meet with the committee in closed session. The committee needs to see the on camera interviews of 14 eye witnesses. It needs to be done in closed session to protect the witnesses. They stepped forward as patriots facing great risk.

The real story of OKC should have been told long ago. Let's finally get it told now. Bill Clinton did not want to deal with Middle East terror on our soil. He wanted this to be domestic terror. That is what he got. Who are those deep inside the FBI who are responsible for continuing the coverup?

The truth about OKC will forever end any remaining legacy of the impeached William Jefferson Blythe Clinton. Had he dealt with OKC, 9-11 could have been prevented. He ignored Middle East terror, created the vast right wing conspiracy, and his Kool-Aid drinkers dug in their heels. He would be held accountable for nothing. They stood with him no matter what because they had to fight the dreaded right wing. That is how Clinton divided America as never before.

If anyone would like to join me in calling the congressman, he is at (202) 225-2415.

The most compelling evidence surrounds a visit to the Philippines by Nichols from November 1994 through January 1995. While he and McVeigh were presumably in the thick of planning the Oklahoma City bombing, Nichols simply dropped everything in his life and went to the Philippines on a trip that he believed would endanger his life.

When he arrived in the Philippines, Nichols showed up unannounced on the campus of Southwestern University, a Cebu City college with a strong Islamic fundamentalist movement where his wife was attending classes. Yousef visited the campus during the same period. Another of Yousef's accomplices made phone calls to a friend on the campus during the same period. And two more al Qaeda operatives may have had business connections to the lumberyard where Nichols and his wife stayed during the visit.

According to his visa records and trial testimony, Nichols was planning to return on January 21, 1995, the same day that Ramzi Yousef planned to bomb almost a dozen U.S.-bound airliners simultaneously over the Pacific Ocean and possibly crash a hijacked airplane into the Pentagon or CIA headquarters.

A note Nichols left behind "for the purpose of my death" expressed concern that he might die before returning from the winter trip, and included specific instructions on how to handle his money if his life insurance refused to pay out "for some reason."

Nichols was carrying stun guns on his person when he flew out of the U.S. When he flew back to the U.S., he was on a Northwest Airlines route out of Manilla that terminated in Los Angeles, matching one of the flights targeted by Yousef.

The U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals has dismissed a lawsuit filed against a former Oklahoma City television reporter after finding that "defendants did not recklessly disregard the truth" in reporting on an Iraqi soldier's alleged involvement in the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Building.

In short, says former KFOR reporter Jayna Davis, the appeals court "affirmed U.S. District Judge Timothy Leonard's November 17, 1999, ruling, which upheld as 'undisputed' all 50 statements of fact and opinion which set forth on the court record implicating former Iraqi soldier Hussain al-Hussaini in the 1995 bombing. …"

According to court documents, al-Hussaini alleged that the defendants – KFOR-TV, Jayna Davis, Brad Edwards and Melissa Klinzing – defamed him, invaded his privacy and intentionally inflicted emotional distress on him through news reports in June of 1995 accusing him of "complicity" in the April 19 attack on the Murrah building. But the appeals court disagreed.

"The news reports contained various comments about the potential bombers and displayed a photograph of an Iraqi man, who had been living in Oklahoma City since November of 1994, who might be the John Doe #2 sought by authorities in relation to the bombing," said the U.S. District Judge Tom Stagg, in writing for the appeals court last week. "The name of the man was never revealed by KFOR, and the face of the man was digitally concealed in all of the news reports. The reports generally related information gathered by KFOR's reporters tending to connect the unidentified man to the bombing."

"The plaintiff was unquestionably the unidentified man discussed in KFOR's news reports," the ruling continued. "Following KFOR's first four broadcasts, Hussain contacted other media outlets, voluntarily allowing his name and face to be broadcast on two other television stations and then also voluntarily identifying himself as the person in KFOR's news reports. Ultimately, it was determined that no John Doe No. 2 existed."

Davis said al-Husseini also admitted in court depositions filed with his lawsuit that he did serve in the Iraqi army. She has said she believes al-Husseini could be the mysterious John Doe No. 2 once sought by the FBI in connection with the Murrah attack that left 167 people – including 15 children – dead.

"After eight years of oppressive litigation, the courts have vindicated my work ethic as a dedicated journalist," Davis told WorldNetDaily. "The lawsuit was obviously designed to silence a legitimate investigation into Middle Eastern complicity in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing."

Davis continued, "In light of [the Justice Department's] recent disclosure of so-called Islamic charities posing as fronts to fund terrorist organizations, I would sincerely like to know who bankrolled this frivolous, but costly lawsuit against me and my former employer."

U.S. government officials have said they have discovered links between at least nine such charities and al-Qaida founder Osama bin Laden since the 9-11 attacks.

"After two separate lawsuits, both state and federal, this man was unable to produce even one witness affidavit establishing his whereabouts for the critical hours of April 19, 1995," Davis said. "The testimonies of several eyewitnesses who place him in the company of executed bomber Timothy McVeigh and fleeing the scene of the worst act of terrorism in 20th century America stand undisputed."

Two men were convicted of murder and conspiracy charges in the bombing – Timothy McVeigh, who was executed in June 2001, and Terry Nichols, who is serving a life sentence for his federal conviction on eight involuntary manslaughter counts and conspiracy.

Davis first gained notoriety when she reported that, according to her findings, there was a Middle Eastern connection to the OKC bombing. Specifically, she initially said the bombing was linked to seven men of Mideastern descent who had ties to bin Laden. But, she said, federal authorities investigating the bombing decided early on in their probe that the blast was the result of a domestic conspiracy, not a foreign one, "ignoring all evidence to the contrary."

The Washington, D.C.-based public-interest law firm Judicial Watch filed suit against Iraq in March 2002, alleging that Baghdad "masterminded" the OKC attack "in whole or in part." That suit is still pending.

Other reporters, authors and analysts have developed separate theories about the OKC bombing. J.D. Cash, an investigative reporter for the McCurtain Gazette in Idabel, Okla., says his evidence points to a group of white racists who aided McVeigh and Nichols.

The group, known as the Aryan Republican Army, which included McVeigh and possibly Nichols, robbed banks in the Midwest in the years leading up to the bombing, to finance "terrorist acts" against the federal government, Cash says.

The Associated Press reported in February that a pair of federal agencies – the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms – had information suggesting white supremacists living in a compound called Elohim City near OKC were considering attacking government buildings. But, the report said, neither agency passed on that information to federal officials in Oklahoma, documents and interviews showed.

The BATF even had an informant – Carol Howe – inside the Elohim City compound, who told her handlers before the bombing that extremists inside the camp were "preparing for a war with the U.S. government."

Authors Jack Cashill and James Sanders also hint at the Iraqi connection to OKC in their new book, "First Strike: Flight 800 and the Attack on America."

On July 16, 1996, one day before the airliner went down off the Long Island coast, a communiqué was issued by the Islamic Change Movement – the name apparently used by Iraqi intelligence to take credit for terrorist acts, says Iraq scholar Laurie Mylroie.

It read in part: "The mujahedin [holy warriors] will deliver the ultimate response to the threats of the foolish American president. Everyone will be amazed at the size of that response."

The message warned, "Their time is at the morning-dawn," which corresponded to dusk in New York, the moment of TWA Flight 800's demise. On July 18, the Islamic Change Movement released another communiqué through well-established Islamist terrorist channels in Beirut that read: "We carried out our promise with the plane attack of yesterday."

Davis said she was pleased with the verdict.

"[Al-Husseini] doesn't have a provable alibi," she told WorldNetDaily. "That's the broader statement, the broader ramification, of this ruling. And the evidence we put into the record – the two witnesses who identified him in a bar drinking beer with McVeigh [before the attack] and the one who identified him in a brown Chevy pickup speeding away from the site immediately after the attack – was unrefuted."

Also, the FBI was warned in the months preceding the OKC blast that a terrorist attack was being planned for the heartland area and that "Lilly Whites" would be used and make it difficult to trace to Iraq.

This makes me wonder about Carol Howe. She claimed to be an informant for the BATF in Eloihim City, and claimed she had passed information regarding a bomb plot, iirc, to her superiors, that the bombing was to involve the Murragh Building in OK City.

That information was either ignored or not acted on, and the BATF later denounced her, claiming she did not work for them.

This account was used to create an air of suspicion on the groups at Eloihim City, and by the transitive property of media hyperbole, that suspicion was levelled at any Christian, gun owner, self-proclaimed Constitutionalist, or person concerned about Waco, Ruby Ridge, or other Federal abuses of power.

At the time, there was a growing groundswell aimed at repealing the AWB, and that died as soon as anyone to the right of Hillary was roundly demonized in the press as being a domestic terrorist.

The anti-gun agitprop backfired to a point, as people realized the only firearm involved was not used (McVeigh's pistol), and that pursuing gun control was a non sequitur.

To get back to the point I wanted to make, though, it sure seems as if there was no shortage of warnings, at least to the two agencies (FBI and BATF) which should have acted on them.

The Gorelicking of data may have harmed the credibility of the target data, or caused laxity, but the tremendous political advantage gained by the Clinton Administration and the Democrats in general will always make me wonder if the failure to stop the bombing was orchestrated, or at least enabled from the highest level.

Motive, means, and opportunity were certainly present, and the later propensity of the same administration for 'wagging the dog' only adds credibility to thoughts which would have many reaching for the Reynolds Wrap.

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