Obama’s Secret Speech About Me

Rush Limbaugh.com ^ | February 27, 2018 | Rush Limbaugh

[Cats Pajamas]

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I said “perhaps” because I was offering a speculation. And...can one judge that based on the identities of the other speakers?

You can find photos of the speakers at this year's and last year's conferences online.

If it were a largely African-American gathering, there would probably have been fewer White speakers.

There are also pictures of the audiences at earlier Sloan Sports Conferences that confirm that.

[dsc]

“If it were a largely African-American gathering, there would probably have been fewer White speakers.”

Why, are Negroes racist bigots?

Using the term “African-American” is a despicable act of collaboration with the forces of evil.

[SunkenCiv]

Note: this topic is from 2/27/2018. Thanks Kaslin.

You probably remember the editorial cartoon from ten or so years ago -- there's a sort of teetertotter; on one end there's a stack of large boxes with the names of the msm, and they completely outweigh the other end, which has Talk Radio on the other. There's a guy contemplating this, who says to himself, "that's not balanced at all -- better regulate radio."

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[marktwain]

“We have to have a serious conversation about what are the business models, (an ; instead of a comma?) the algorithms, the mechanisms whereby we can create more of a common conversation.”

Exactly. Get the few companies who control the flow of most of the information over the internet to enact common algorithms to censor conservative voices. That is what they are talking about.

[marktwain]

The "common set of facts" started in 1934 with the creation of the FCC. FDR, President Roosevelt, appointed one of his cronies, Herbert Pettey, to be secretary of the FCC:

"Roosevelt's relationship with radio was warmer. The key distinction was that broadcasters operated in an entirely different political context: Thanks to federal rules and administrators, they had to tread much more lightly than newspapers did. At its inception in 1934, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) reduced the license renewal period for stations from three years to only six months. Meanwhile, Roosevelt tapped Herbert L. Pettey as secretary of the FCC (and its predecessor, the Federal Radio Commission). Pettey had overseen radio for Roosevelt in the 1932 campaign. After his appointment, he worked in tandem with the Democratic National Committee to handle "radio matters" with both the networks and local stations.

It did not take long for broadcasters to get the message. NBC, for example, announced that it was limiting broadcasts "contrary to the policies of the United States government." CBS Vice President Henry A. Bellows said that "no broadcast would be permitted over the Columbia Broadcasting System that in any way was critical of any policy of the Administration." He elaborated "that the Columbia system was at the disposal of President Roosevelt and his administration and they would permit no broadcast that did not have his approval." Local station owners and network executives alike took it for granted, as Editor and Publisher observed, that each station had "to dance to Government tunes because it is under Government license." Some dissident radio commentators, such as Father Charles Coughlin and Boake Carter, gained wide audiences. But radio as a whole was firmly pro-Roosevelt—and both Coughlin and Carter were eventually forced off the air for pushing the envelope too far."