Venezuelan Opposition Courts Working Class

CARACAS, Venezuela, June 11 - The working-class neighborhood of Catia in the western end of metropolitan Caracas, with its jumbled brick houses and towering projects, is said to be fiercely loyal to President Hugo Chávez and sharply opposed to those who call for his removal.

But in a two-story, nondescript building in the heart of the neighborhood, in a dank room with fluorescent lights and bare walls, a group of political activists are plotting ways to undercut Mr. Chávez's support.

Here, José Uzcategui, 32, and other activists of First Justice, a political party usually associated with young, affluent professionals from the eastern end of Caracas, talk strategy: Where to go door-to-door to register voters most likely to turn against Mr. Chávez. What political pitch to make to people who liked Mr. Chávez's class-based rhetoric.

The tactics, while low-key, represent a departure for a large but unwieldy opposition out to end Mr. Chávez's tumultuous rule. The president's foes had miscalculated badly in the past. By proclaiming loudly and publicly that they were largely opposed to the left-leaning president, they irritated the poor. One failed coup and four national strikes later, a chastened opposition is making the first attempts to win them over.

With Venezuelans preparing for what may be their last chance of ending Mr. Chávez's presidency - a referendum that could take place later this year - the strategy is crucial, because the government has already begun shoring up its support with voter registrations and small-scale social programs.

"We want the people to hear from us what we are about," said Mr. Uzcategui, a 32-year-old butcher shop owner who recently joined First Justice. "We want people to know there is an opposition in the barrios."

It has not been easy. Many people in poor neighborhoods openly reject Democratic Action and Copei, two political parties that had ruled Venezuela for years and form important components in the anti-Chávez coalition.

"They are seen as spoiled rich kids," said Ronny Silva, 29, a resident of Catia who opposes Mr. Chávez. "There are a lot of blind people over there. They need to start offering realities."

Many poor Venezuelans also openly distrust opposition leaders, whom they view as part of a privileged class that greatly benefited from a succession of Venezuelan governments until Mr. Chávez was elected in 1998. To them, Mr. Chávez remains a lesser evil, even if the economy is crumbling.

"That is Chávez's strength, and until this day it continues to be this way," said Ana María Sanjuán, a sociologist at the Central University in Caracas. "Just like the opposition claims Chávez has excluded them from his political decisions, the poor claim Chávez has included them."

The sharp divide between many of the poor and the opposition - a gulf Mr. Chávez helped create with his high-octane rhetoric - has made it particularly difficult for some government foes to freely express themselves in the hillside slums where the president still has strong support. The threat of violence has limited political activity.

Three weeks ago, in a rally in Catia held by Democratic Action, 1 person was killed and more than 20 were injured when gunfire broke out.

Though it remains unclear who was responsible, some people in the opposition, including the former secretary general of Democratic Action, say the party was largely at fault for having marched into hostile territory.

Democratic Action had portrayed the rally as a reconquest of Catia. "We told them this is not the way to go into that sector, but they rejected what we said," said Arquímedes Espinoza, coordinator of ProCatia, a community organization opposed to Mr. Chávez. "The way to go in is to first understand the problems of the people."

Political leaders say that their proselytizing must sometimes be carried out with particular care.

While loud, raucous anti-Chávez protests are common in the affluent eastern part of Caracas, such rallies can backfire in the poor west. Members of the opposition say it is far more effective to go door to door, taking time to explain their position. Political gatherings are often convened only after a neighborhood has been checked to ensure a welcoming atmosphere.

In small steps, political parties and many community organizations opposed to Mr. Chávez have started to gear up political activities in poor districts in preparation for the referendum on Mr. Chávez's rule.

Though a date has not been set, Mr. Chávez and his adversaries last month agreed to allow Venezuelans to vote on whether they want him to continue in power.

At First Justice, which started as a civic organization and became a political party two years ago, those who work in Catia and other poor districts are under no illusions.

But Armando Briquet, who oversees operations in much of the metropolitan area, said the strategy is simple: to focus on the growing economic and crime problems and not overtly criticize the president.

"We are telling people, `We understand your problems, that we can help you look for solutions,' " Mr. Briquet said in an interview in his office. "That there is a different way of doing things, different from the old way and the current way."

By proclaiming loudly and publicly that they were largely opposed to the left-leaning president, they irritated the poor. One failed coup and four national strikes later, a chastened opposition is making the first attempts to win them over.

They irritated Chavez, his armed Chavistas and Bolivarian Circles (patterned after Cuba's block watch groups). Many of the poor became disenchanted with Chavez a long time ago.

Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.