Venezuela's opposition comes together to try ousting Chavez

CARACAS, Venezuela - Venezuela's diverse opposition has closed ranks for a formidable campaign to oust President Hugo Chavez. But its leaders have yet to consider what happens next or who would run as a candidate should Chavez step aside or agree to new elections.

Take Enrique Mendoza, the folksy conservative governor of Miranda State who is considered a potential challenger.

He's holed up in a hotel conference room juggling three cell phones, strategizing and nervously watching the television news amid a general strike that has brought Venezuela's economy to a virtual standstill.

"Look at all of those people!" he says, popping out of his seat. He watches an attempt by Chavez supporters to break through an opposition roadblock: "That'll teach them to be respectful."

"We can't talk about that until we know there will be elections," he says, reaching to answer another call.

A recent survey by the Caracas-based Datanalisis polling firm gives Mendoza 63 percent of the vote in a hypothetical race against Chavez. Pollsters interviewed 1,000 people in two major cities Nov. 11-19. The survey had a margin of error of 3 percentage points.

Mendoza is an independent aligned with the new Justice First party, which has placed itself at the forefront of the anti-Chavez campaign. The party is popular among young, middle-class Venezuelans because its leaders are mostly under 40 and unassociated with corrupt governments of the past.

Another serious contender is Julio Borges, an Oxford-educated legislator and head of Justice First. He's the exact opposite of Chavez, a former army paratrooper from humble origins who spent two years in jail for leading a failed coup in 1992 before sweeping the 1998 election with tough talk against a corrupt political establishment.

Borges, 33, won converts by personally leading a march through a band of rock-throwing Chavez supporters to deliver 2 million signatures demanding a referendum on the president's administration.

Borges' party once drafted a proposal for an entire new constitution, based on decentralized government and more private participation in the economy. But such efforts have been sidelined by the push to oust Chavez.

There's also Carlos Ortega, the gruff president of the 1 million-member Venezuelan Workers Confederation who, as former head of the largest oil workers union, has dealt a serious blow to the Chavez government by leading a strike for higher pay.

Ortega stunned fellow opposition leaders by announcing at a rally that the strike would begin Dec. 2. He also sent thousands on a march during an April strike to the presidential palace, which led to 19 people being killed by gunfire and a coup that briefly ousted Chavez.

Ortega doesn't bother to hide his enmity for Chavez. Each night, he holds a news conference, dictating the next day's protests, denouncing Chavez as a "fascist" and "dictator," telling him to resign. The harsh words don't sit well with negotiators at talks being mediated by the Organization of American States.

Ortega formed part of the old-style political system that Chavez vowed to redistribute more of the country's riches to the country's poor. He has won many followers by thwarting Chavez's attempts to take over labor unions and with his quick readiness to call strikes.

Ortega proudly admits to belonging to the Democratic Action party that dominated Venezuelan politics until Chavez's election. To many Venezuelans, however, Democratic Action still represents the corruption that helped inspire Chavez's revolution.

Complicating the challenge to Chavez is the lingering resentment of thousands who feel they were betrayed by their leaders during the events of April.

After the shootings and Chavez's ouster, business leaders occupied the palace, swore in a businessman illegally and abolished the constitution. That was enough for the military to return Chavez to power to the cheers of thousands of poor Venezuelans.

"The mistakes made in April still weigh on us," Jorge Olavarria, a political analyst and former Chavez ally said in a recent television interview.

Still others worry about the continued mini-rebellion by Gen. Enrique Medina Gomez and more than 100 military officers camped out for two months in an eastern Caracas plaza. Gomez, the leader of the dissident officers, insists he isn't trying to grab power but is protesting Chavez's efforts to enlist the military in his leftist revolution.

Mendoza acknowledges that he's troubled by the prospect of a coup that could sideline civilian leaders.

"Unfortunately, there is a sector getting a lot of attention that believes the end justifies the means," he said. "They are not democratic. I'm clear on this: I won't accept an ouster of the current president that isn't electoral."

Foes of Venezuela's Chavez March, Reject Truce*** CARACAS, Venezuela (Reuters) - Tens of thousands of foes of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez marched through Caracas on Monday after opposition leaders rejected a government appeal for a Christmas truce in their general strike to try and force the leftist leader to resign.

Opposition strikers, an alliance of political parties, unions and business leaders, vowed to press on with the 22-day-old stoppage that has hobbled the nation's vital oil industry and caused fuel and food shortages.

"Not one step back, the strike continues," declared Carlos Ortega, an anti-Chavez union boss.

Disruptions in the world's No. 5 oil exporter have rattled global petroleum markets. U.S. crude oil futures in New York settled up $1.45 at $31.75 a barrel -- hitting two-year highs late Monday -- amid fears over Venezuelan oil shortages and the growing threat of war in Iraq.

Three weeks into the grueling shutdown, government and opposition leaders appeared no closer to breaking their political deadlock over the president's rule.

In a night-time protest, tens of thousands of anti-government demonstrators marched through eastern Caracas carrying candles and torches, demanding that Chavez step down.

"We'll march until this guy leaves. This is the light for hope," said Nieves Padrino, 40, a hairdresser who carried a candle in one hand and a Venezuelan flag in the other.

A grenade exploded late Monday outside the headquarters of a leading anti-Chavez business association. No-one was injured though the building was lightly damaged, local media reported.***

A crowd marches in a night procession in Caracas, December 23, 2002. Tens of thousands of foes of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez marched through Caracas after opposition leaders rejected a government appeal for a Christmas truce on their strike to force the leftist leader to resign. REUTERS/Jorge Silva

Anti-Chávez groups barely united - As Venezuela's strike enters its fourth week, 40 different groups work to oust the president. - By Kris Axtman | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor - [Full Text] CARACAS, VENEZUELA - The opponents of President Hugo Chávez agree on one thing: They want Mr. Chávez out. Beyond that, they spend almost as much time fighting among themselves as they do fighting the current government.

The more than 40 political parties and nongovernmental organizations that make up the country's opposition say that President Chávez has ruined Venezuela's economy and moved the country toward a tyrannical, Communist-type state. These groups have been a driving force behind the three-week-old nationwide strike, which has virtually shut down the the world's fifth-largest oil producer and led to widespread gas shortages.

But these opponents are becoming increasingly worried that an anti-Chávez platform is not enough. Though they want to reduce poverty, improve education, and bolster the economy - positions similar to the platform Chávez ran on five years ago when he swept into power - opposition leaders say that without a clear message, a strong candidate, and a unified front, removing Chávez could be just the beginning of their troubles.

"Having five presidents in five weeks like Argentina, that's a real possibility if we don't pull ourselves together," says Leopoldo Lopez, the young mayor of Chacao, a district of metropolitan Caracas, and a member of Justice First, an opposition party made up of young professionals. "There is a lot of obsession right now on who is the alter ego to Chávez, but that is not the real issue. The real issue is how we are going to put the country back together. That is going to be very difficult, regardless of who is president."

Mayor Lopez says that a priority for opponents is to convince Chávez to call early elections because, right now, many people still support the strike. Chávez says that early elections are unconstitutional, and points to the Venezuelan Constitution, which says that a referendum on his presidency can take only take place in August 2003.

But as gas grows increasingly scarce and other necessities run out, people may begin to blame the opposition for their worsening situation, says Lopez at a funeral for a police officer killed last week. "We're walking a fine line."

Over the weekend, Chávez took steps to keep the gasoline flowing. A replacement crew took control of a tanker containing 280,000 barrels of gasoline on Friday and two other ships on Saturday that had been idled off shore by striking crews. Some 40 other tankers remain anchored off ports.

The Supreme Court has ordered all oil workers to immediately return to work, leading to the seizures by the government. Oil production is at 10 percent its typical 3 million barrels a day.

People should blame Chávez for the situation because he has the power to end the strike by calling for early elections, says Enrique Mendoza, the governor of Miranda state and the leading name being thrown about for president. He says it's important to remember why Chávez came to power in the first place.

"Chávez was the product of frustration of the people for the old way of doing things. We need to come up with new ways to do things," he says. "We cannot simply change one shoe for another."

To be successful in their efforts, the opposition must do three things, he says. First, it must be united. Second, it must have real answers to societal problems. And third, it must have active participation by the people in the economic process.

"Mine is the only state in the country where participation is a state policy," says Mr. Mendoza, adding that 60 percent of the hospitals are owned by the people.

Experts say that a divided opposition may not be able to beat Chávez at the ballot box - and even if they can, they may have difficulty pulling Venezuela out of chaos once that common goal is met.

"The opposition is not very well organized. They may be good at getting people into the streets, but putting together a coherent coalition doesn't seem to be their strong point," says Terry McCoy, director of the Latin American Business Environment Program at the University of Florida in Gainesville. "One thing is certain: The post-Chávez Venezuela is not going to be a very stable place."

Chávez's opponents run across the political spectrum. Some are traditional parties that were in power before Chávez took office, such as the Democratic Action party and COPEI.

Others are left-leaning parties, such as Más and Bandera Roja, which evolved out of the 1960s guerilla movement. Still others swing more to the right, such as Venezuelan Project and Justice First. In between, there are dissident military officers, civil activists, business leaders, and labor unions - each with their own ideas and agendas.

"The opposition is a very diverse group of people, no doubt about it. And there is a certain amount of distrust among them," says Janet Kelly, director of the Institute for Higher Administrative Studies, a research group here. "With all their infighting about issues, they are bound to fight about candidates as well."

One of the documents produced by the Democratic Coordinator, the opposition's umbrella group, details some of the major issues it wants to tackle, and interestingly enough, poverty tops the list. That was Chávez's No. 1 priority when he ran in 1998 - and it continues to be his rallying cry.

Beyond beginning to work out issues and candidates, the opposition says it is helping people in real ways.

For instance, Democratic Action leaders say they are distributing food and gas to meet growing demand, launching voter registrations aimed mostly at young people, and throwing a massive Christmas party for children in Caracas.

Sitting at a pool-side table at a hotel on the east side of Caracas, Mr. Mendoza takes turns spinning his three cellphones on the table and sometimes puts his head down to rest, clearly worn out from this long process. But this may be just the beginning of a new political journey for Mendoza.

"I have accepted every challenge in my life. If the time comes and it happens, I would have no problem running for president," he says. "But in the end, we'll have to chose our next government based on what the people want." [End]

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