Posted on 07/07/2003 5:36:52 AM PDT by Dog Gone
Redistricting that most partisan of legislative issues is inextricably, inherently and legally linked to race that most thorny of American issues.
Not only is it devoid of any intent to be colorblind, the congressional redistricting process is overwhelmed by the issue. So pivotal is the topic that the GOP last week dropped a proposed map and did some overnight fine-tuning after discovering the original plan made minor cuts in minority voting strength in some districts.
The link between race and redistricting provides a recipe for ugly overtones, hard-to-miss undertones and in-your-face rhetoric that adds pain and confrontation to a process already endowed with plenty of each.
Texas Democrats are talking race a topic sure to come up when the House debates the bill today as often as they can, accurately noting that there are reams of legal opinions that make the protection of minority voting rights Job One in map-drawing. For years, courts, citing the Voting Rights Act of 1965, have denied approval of any map that reduces minority voting impact.
"My ancestors and my forefathers and my foremothers worked the fields," Rep. Ruth Jones McClendon, D-San Antonio, recently told colleagues on the House Redistricting Committee before pausing to compose herself as she recounted a story about the ongoing battle against racism.
At another hearing, McClendon, who has given some of the most impassioned speeches on the topic that the Capitol has seen in years, complained that Republicans drawing the maps worked to make sure blacks in many portions of Texas would be "submerged" in districts that would be represented by Republicans. She cited districts in several portions of the state.
McClendon, and other minority Democrats including Rep. Richard Raymond, a Hispanic from Laredo, have pulled no punches in accusing Republicans of racism and branding their redistricting efforts as reminiscent of previous attempts to dilute minority voting strength.
"There were all kinds of ways, like hanging African American men from trees every other day to keep them from voting," McClendon said.
It's a touchy subject in an increasingly racially polarized Legislature. Of the 107 Republicans in the Legislature, none are black, and only two (a Hispanic and an Asian American) are minorities.
Only 22 of the Legislature's 74 Democrats are white.
Some of the white Democrats in the Texas congressional delegation, including several who represent substantial minority constituencies, are targeted by the GOP-backed map scheduled for a House vote today.
Throughout the hearings, Republicans on the House Redistricting Committee have opted not to say much in response to McClendon's rhetoric. They deny racial motives, acknowledge political motives and move on.
The proposed map does not change the number of districts in which minorities outnumber whites.
"My intention was to try to elect additional Republicans," Rep. Phil King, D-Weatherford, said after releasing a proposed map.
Disenfranchised GOP
Democrats now have a 17-15 edge in the congressional delegation. The latest version of the GOP-backed map, approved Saturday by the House Redistricting Committee, could give Republicans as many as 21 seats in the Texas delegation.
When asked what goes through his mind when he hears McClendon's speeches, House Redistricting Committee member Mike Krusee, R-Round Rock, said he thinks about another class of people he believes has been unfairly disenfranchised by the process for years: Republicans almost exclusively white in Williamson County, a GOP suburb that for years has been in the political shadow of a Democratic urban core.
Don't forget the suburban victims, Krusee says.
"I think about all the people that for decades have been split, their community split in order to elect more Democrat congressmen," he said, referring to the fact that Williamson County has long been in two districts, something the currently proposed map would change.
Krusee, who is white, said he has no objection to minority lawmakers talking about hard-fought battles for voting rights. In fact, he said, his constituents have first-hand knowledge about it.
"Having been a victim of that ourselves to Democrat gerrymandering, we are sympathetic to it," he said.
Krusee has not avoided all committee arguments about race and redistricting. Krusee and Raymond, who sat next to each other at the redistricting hearing meetings, got into it over which side to blame for the raucous shouting match that lit up a recent hearing in Brownsville before a predominantly Hispanic audience.
"The intimidation I witnessed was from Democrats and the Democratic Party," said Krusee, who, like Raymond, was at the Brownsville event.
Raymond put an ethnic overtone on Krusee's comment.
"It's not Williamson County, and maybe he was a little uncomfortable listening to Hispanic veterans stand up for their rights," Raymond said. "If several World War II veterans scare you, I apologize on their behalf."
A political byproduct
Longtime political observer Bruce Buchanan, a University of Texas government professor, said the racial component of redistricting is a byproduct of the Republicans' very upfront political motive.
The fact is that minorities, in overwhelming numbers, vote Democratic. Republicans are doing all they can to reduce Democratic impact.
"I don't think it's race, per se, in the old prejudicial sense, but race as a way to further marginalize the opposition," Buchanan said.
He noted Democratic complaints about a recent redistricting hearing notice e-mailed by the Harris County GOP. It featured a photo of U.S. Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Houston, a black lawmaker, without mentioning her name.
"She will be there to express her views," the notice said. "Will you be there to express yours?"
Lee, outraged, said , "A black face is frequently utilized to incite, provoke and encourage Republican voters to get out."
Harris County GOP spokesman Court Koenning said there was nothing racial about the e-mail. What it was, he said, was personal.
"The fact of the matter is, she is one who gets Republicans most excited on this issue" Koenning said, referring to her long-time support for things such as government assistance programs that many Republicans oppose.
Buchanan gives the Republicans the benefit of the doubt on this one.
"What they had in mind is, she is far to the left," he said. "She is concerned with divisive interest-group issues, and she doesn't represent the mainstream that Republicans claim they want to."
But, Buchanan added, "The blackness is just an added benefit."
"It is still tinged with racial connotation in some minds in the sense that it is no longer the kind of issue you can be overt about," he said. "Nor do Republicans want any part of a claim that they are playing the race card."
"There is almost nothing for them to gain by doing so," Buchanan said.
Dodging racism label
Krusee said he's figured out when to shut up. One good time to do that, he has decided, is when the other side hangs the racist label on your side.
"It's a tar baby because, once you get into it, they just start lobbing grenades at you, and it becomes very vitriolic very quickly," he said. "It takes a lot of restraint because our voters in the suburbs have been disenfranchised for decades."
So today, when the GOP-backed redistricting bill hits the House floor, expect lots of Democratic talk about racist motives. And expect Republicans to deny and move on as quickly as possible.
At this point, it's a numbers game, not a war of words. And the Republicans have the numbers in the House.
Rep. Jose Menendez, D-San Antonio, who was the only "no" vote Sunday when the House Calendars Committee formally set the redistricting debate for today on the House floor, isn't kidding himself about the numbers game in that chamber.
With 88 of the House's 150 seats, Republicans can do just about whatever they want. But in the Senate, where the GOP has a 19-12 edge but it takes 21 votes to move forward on any topic, the game is not over.
"I think and I hope we can count on our colleagues in the Senate, our Democratic colleagues in the Senate, to stand by us and stand by the people of Texas and not allow this train to run over us," Menendez said.
Worthy of repeating.
This is amazing.
Sheila Jackson Lee is a racist communist. Her color is immaterial. The fact that she's an ignorant raving bigot, a lying communist and has an ego bigger than Lyndon Johnson are the major factors which incense voters in her district, me among them.
The problem as I understand it right there. Bears repeating.
"My ancestors and my forefathers and my foremothers worked the fields," Rep. Ruth Jones McClendon, D-San Antonio, recently told colleagues on the House Redistricting Committee before pausing to compose herself as she recounted a story about the ongoing battle against racism.
At another hearing, McClendon, who has given some of the most impassioned speeches on the topic that the Capitol has seen in years, complained that Republicans drawing the maps worked to make sure blacks in many portions of Texas would be "submerged" in districts that would be represented by Republicans. She cited districts in several portions of the state.
McClendon, and other minority Democrats including Rep. Richard Raymond, a Hispanic from Laredo, have pulled no punches in accusing Republicans of racism and branding their redistricting efforts as reminiscent of previous attempts to dilute minority voting strength.
"There were all kinds of ways, like hanging African American men from trees every other day to keep them from voting," McClendon said.
It's a touchy subject in an increasingly racially polarized Legislature. Of the 107 Republicans in the Legislature, none are black, and only two (a Hispanic and an Asian American) are minorities.
Only 22 of the Legislature's 74 Democrats are white.
Here is a list of recent articles on Redistricting:FR Search: Keyword "Redistricting"
07-07-2003
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