Free Republic
Browse · Search
Topics · Post Article

Skip to comments.

A Supreme Successor to Justice Scalia: Here's a Record of Neil Gorsuch's Notable Cases
National Review ^ | 02/01/2017 | Ed Whelan

Posted on 02/01/2017 11:56:09 AM PST by SeekAndFind

TOPICS: Constitution/Conservatism; Culture/Society; Government; News/Current Events
KEYWORDS: first100days; gorsuch; neilgorsuch; scalia; scotus; supremecourt; trump; trump45; trumpscotus; trumpwinsagain
Navigation: use the links below to view more comments.
first 1-2021-32 next last

1 posted on 02/01/2017 11:56:09 AM PST by SeekAndFind
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

Did the NeverTrumpers at the National Review finally get over their Cruz-Aid hangover?

2 posted on 02/01/2017 12:16:24 PM PST by Lurkinanloomin (Natural Born Citizen Means Born Here Of Citizen Parents - Know Islam, No Peace -No Islam, Know Peace)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind
Excellent read.
3 posted on 02/01/2017 12:17:30 PM PST by marsmanmd
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

Thank you for posting!

4 posted on 02/01/2017 12:23:34 PM PST by loveliberty2
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Lurkinanloomin

RE: Did the NeverTrumpers at the National Review finally get over their Cruz-Aid hangover?

National Review is a mix of NeverTrumpers, qualified Trump supporters and Trump-is-better-than-Hillary types.

You cannot overgeneralize and lump every single writer from NRO with one ideology.

5 posted on 02/01/2017 12:24:51 PM PST by SeekAndFind (q)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 2 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

They dedicated entire issues to defeating Trump.
Victor Davis Hanson is the only one that I consider worth reading.

6 posted on 02/01/2017 12:27:39 PM PST by Lurkinanloomin (Natural Born Citizen Means Born Here Of Citizen Parents - Know Islam, No Peace -No Islam, Know Peace)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 5 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

Gorsuch 2006 confirmation hearing

7 posted on 02/01/2017 12:29:50 PM PST by Ray76 (DRAIN THE SWAMP)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

Trump hit a home run with Gorsuch on base.

8 posted on 02/01/2017 12:40:26 PM PST by dancusa ( Trump Wins! Obama's 8 years of a kindergarten class trip is over. The adults are in charge now..)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind
Many who oppose Gorsuch fall into that category of Progressives who subscribe to the "living constitution" school of thought--an idea Dr. Walter Berns addressed magnificently in his 1984 essay, reprinted below:

Perhaps that essay from the Bicentennial 1987 Volume, "Our Ageless Constitution," by Dr.Berns, may be helpful in evaluating the legitimacy of Progressivism, as it manifests itself today.

Dr. Berns quotes the Founders themselves.


Do We Have
A Living

"Until the people have, by some solemn and authoritative act, annulled or changed the established form, it is binding upon them collectively, as well as individually; and no presumption or even knowledge of their sentiments, can warrant their representatives [the executive, judiciary, or legislature]; in a departure from it prior to such an act." - Alexander Hamilton

In the first of the eighty-five "Federalist Papers," Alexander Hamilton emphasized that:

"... it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection or choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force."

The Framers knew that the passage of time would surely disclose imperfections or inadequacies in the Constitution, but these were to be repaired or remedied by formal amendment, not by legislative action or judicial construction (or reconstruction). Hamilton (in The Federalist No. 78) was emphatic about this:

"Until the people have, by some solemn and authoritative act, annulled or changed the established form, it is binding upon them collectively, as well as individually; and no presumption, or even knowledge of their sentiments, can warrant their representatives in a departure from it prior to such an act."

The Congress, unlike the British Parliament, was not given final authority over the Constitution, which partly explains why the judicial authority was lodged in a separate and in­dependent branch of government. In Britain the supreme judicial authority is exercised by a committee of the House of Lords, which is appropriate in a system of parliamentary supremacy, but, although it was suggested they do so, the Framers refused to follow the British example.

The American system is one of constitutional supremacy, which means that sovereignty resides in the people, not in the King-in-Parliament; and the idea that the Constitution may be changed by an act of the legislature--even an act subsequently authorized by the judiciary--is simply incompatible with the natural right of the people to determine how (and even whether) they shall be governed.

Unlike in Britain where, formally at least, the queen rules by the grace of God (Dei gratia regina), American government rests on the consent of the people; and, according to natural right, the consent must be given formally. In fact, it must be given in a written compact entered into by the people. Here is Madison on the compacts underlying American government:

Neither civil society (or as Madison puts it, "the people in their social state') nor government exists by nature. By nature everyone is sovereign with respect to himself, free to do whatever in his judgment is necessary to preserve his own life - or, in the words of the Declaration of Independence, everyone is endowed by nature with the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of a happiness that he defines for himself. Civil society is an artificial person (constituted by the first of the compacts), and it is civil society that institutes and empowers government. So it was that they became "the People of the United States" in 1776 and, in 1787-88, WE, THE PEOPLE ordained and established "this Constitution for the United States of America."

In this formal compact THE PEOPLE specified the terms and conditions under which "ourselves and posterity," would be governed: granting some powers and withholding others, and organizing the powers granted with a view to preventing their misuse by the legislative, the executive, and the judicial branches alike. WE THE PEOPLE were authorized by natural right to do this, and were authorized to act on behalf of posterity only insofar as the rights of posterity to change those terms and conditions were respected. This was accomplished in Article V of the Constitution, the amending article, which prescribed the forms to be followed when exercising that power in the future.

The Framers had designed a constitutional structure for a government which would be limited by that structure - by the distribution of power into distinct departments, a system of legislative balances and checks, an independent judiciary, a system of representation, and an enlargement of the orbit "within which such systems are to revolve" And to the judges they assigned the duty, as "faithful guardians of the Constitution," to preserve the integrity of the structure, for it is by the structure (more than by "parchment barriers") that the government is limited. It would he only a slight exaggeration to say that, in the judgment of the Founders, the Constitution would "live" as long as that structure was preserved.

The Enduring American Constitution

Now, almost 200 years later, one can read Hamilton's words in Federalist No. 1 and conclude that, under some conditions, some "societies of men" are capable of "establishing good government," but that most are not. This is not for lack of trying; on the contrary, constitutions are being written all the time - of some 164 countries in the world, all but a small handful (seven by the latest count) have written constitutions - but most of them are not long-lived.

In September 1983, the American Enterprise Institute sponsored an international conference on constitution writing at the Supreme Court of the United States; some twenty-odd countries were represented. With the exception of the Americans, the persons present had themselves played a role - in some cases a major role - in the writing of their countries' constitutions, most of them written since 1970. Only the con­stitution of the French Fifth Republic predated 1970; and the Nigerian, so ably discussed and defended at the 1983 conference by one of its own Framers, had subsequently been subverted, much as the four previous French republican constitutions had been subverted. It would seem that many peoples are experienced in the writing of constitutions, but only a few of them - conspicuous among these the people of America - have an experience of stable constitutional govern­ment. In that sense, we surely have "a living Constitution." That is not, however, the sense in which the term is ordinarily used in the literature of constitutional law as shall be explored herein.

Treating The Constitution As
A Thing Without Form or Substance:
New Definitions Of 'Living'

In the language of many today, a "living Constitution" is not first of all one that is long-lived; rather, its longevity is a secondary or derivative quality which is attributed to its "flexibility" or better, its "adaptability." It is this quality--"adaptability"-- that allows it to be "kept in tune with the times," as the members of this school of thought sometimes say. According to them, a living Constitution is first of all a protean constitution - one whose meaning is not fixed, but variable.

In this respect, it is similar to the Constitution as understood by the "judicial power" school. Some judicial power advocates go so far as to say that, until the judges supply it in the process of adjudication, the Constitution has no meaning whatever. Here are the words of judge Lynn D. Compton of California, writing in 1977 in the pages of the Los Angeles Times:

"Let's be honest with the public. Those courts are policy-making bodies. The policies they set have the effect of law because of the power those courts are given by the Constitution. The so-called "landmark decisions" of both of U.S. Supreme Court and the California Supreme Court were not compelled by legal precedent. Those decisions are the law and are considered "right" simply because the court had the power to decree the result. The result in any of those cases could have been exactly the opposite and by the same criteria been correct and binding precedent.

"In short, these precedent-setting policy decisions were the products of the social, economic and political philosophy of the majority of the justices who made up the court at a given time in history .."

So extreme a view of judicial power is not likely ever to be expressed in the official reports; there (perhaps in order to be dishonest with the public) even the most inventive judge will claim to be expounding the Constitution, if not its ex­plicit provisions then, at least its emanations, penumbras, or lacunae (Griswold v. Connecticut). What is of interest is that a judge should be willing to express it anywhere - for what it means is that a constitutional provision can be interpreted, but not misinterpreted, construed but not misconstrued. More to the point here is that it means that the Constitution is a living charter of government only because it is repeatedly being reinvented by the judiciary.

The 'Living Constitution' school and the 'Judicial Power' school may be indistinguishable at the margins, but they derive from unrelated and distinct sources. 'Judicial Power' is a product or an extension of legal realism, the school of thought whose advocates, from the beginning of the twentieth century, have argued that the essence of the judicial process consists not in interpreting law, whether statute or constitutional, but in making it. Its advocates today speak with a certain nonchalance of "creating" constitutional rights (Moore v. City of East Cleveland), and, when pressed to cite their authority for doing so are likely to point to the work of contemporary legal theorists like Ronald Dworkin and his book Taking Rights Seriously . It is Dworkin who has purportedly given this sort of "constitutional lawmaking" what it has always lacked ­ a philosophical underpinning. As he sees it, rights cannot be taken seriously until there has been "a fusion of constitutional law and moral theory," and to make it clear that he is not referring to any particular moral theory that may have informed the Constitution as written, he finishes that sentence by saying that that fusion "has yet to take place."

As it turns out, however, the moral theory he propounds, and which he hopes to "fuse" with constitutional law, proves to be nothing more than a fancy way of justifying what the judge Comptons among us have been doing all along. And what they have been doing is, essentially, treating the Constitution as a thing without form or substance, except insofar as it authorizes the judges to give it substance.

The living Constitution school also claims to have a source more venerable than legal realism or Ronald Dworkin - justice John Marshall. A former president of the American Political Science Association argues that the idea of a " 'living Constitution'...can trace its lineage back to John Marshall's celebrated advice in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819): 'We must never forget that it is a Constitution we are expounding...intended to endure for ages to come, and consequently to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs' " The words quoted are certainly Marshall's but the opinion attributed to him is at odds with his well-known statements that, for example, the "principles" of the Constitution "are deemed fundamental [and] permanent" and, except by means of formal amendment, "unchangeable" (Marbury v. Madison). It is important to note that the discrepancy is not Marshall's; it is largely the consequence of the manner in which he is quoted - ellipses are used to join two statements separated by some eight pages in the original text. Marshall did not say that the Constitution should be adapted to the various crises of human affairs; he said that the powers of Congress are adaptable to meet those crises. The first statement appears in that part of his opinion where he is arguing that the Constitution cannot specify "all the subdivisions of which its great powers will admit;" if it attempted to do so, it would "partake of the prolixity of a legal code" (McCulloch v. Maryland), In the second statement, Marshall's subject is the legislative power, and specifically the power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution" the explicitly granted powers.

Neither Marshall nor any other prominent members of the founding generation can be 'appropriated' by the living Constitution school to support their erroneous views. Marshall's and the Founders' concern was not to keep the Constitution in tune with the times but, rather, to keep the times to the extent possible, in tune with the Constitution. And that is why the Framers assigned to the judiciary the task of protecting the Constitution as written.

They were under no illusions that this would prove to be an easy task. Nevertheless, they had reason to believe that they had written a constitution that deserved to endure and, properly guarded, would endure. Hence, Madison spoke out forcefully against frequent appeals to the people for change. Marshall had this Madisonian passage in mind when, in his opinion for the Court in Marbury, he wrote:

At this point, it is well to remember Hamilton's strong warning about unwarranted presumptions by those in government of a power to depart from the people's established form as quoted in the title of this essay.

Marshall referred to the "principles" which he called "permanent," and the "basis on which the whole American fabric has been erected" Yet Marshall also chose to address the much broader issue of the general scope of the national powers. The Constitution must be construed to "...allow to the national legislature that discretion, with respect to the means by which the powers it confers are to be carried into execution, which will enable that body to perform the high duties assigned to it, in the manner most beneficial to the people." It is these powers, not the Constitution, which are flexible and adaptable to meet the crises of "human affairs."

Ironically, the very case cited by the "living Constitution" school, when properly read, demonstrates that John Marshall, at least, saw, no need for flexibility in the Constitution.

Summary: Do We Have A Living Constitution?

What has been undertaken here has been providing (within a very brief compass indeed) an accurate statement of the principles underlying the American Constitution: pointing to (but by no means elaborating) the political theory from which they derive and the constitutional conclusions to which they lead. Among the latter is the untenability of the proposition that constitutional limitations can be jettisoned, constitutional power enhanced, or the constitutional divi­sion of powers altered, by means other than formal constitutional amendment.

It will not be argued that it may sometimes be convenient to allow the Senate to originate a bill "for raising revenue," but convenience is not a measure of constitutionality. There is much to be said in favor of the legislative veto - Who would, in principle, deny the need of checks on administrative agencies? - but, as the Supreme Court correctly said, the Framers anticipated that Congress might find reason to employ such devices and, when designing the so-called "presentment clause" in Article 1, Section 7, forbade them ( Immigration and Naturalization Service v. Chadha). And from a particular par­tisan perspective it is understandably frustrating, simply because the required number of states had not yet ratified the Equal Rights Amendment, to be denied the power to pro­mote the cause of sexual equality; but frustration alone cannot justify a judicial attempt to preclude the necessity of for­mal ratification, as Justice Brennan is said to have wished to do. In Frontiero v. Richardson (411 U.S. 677, 1973) the Supreme Court was divided on the issue of whether sex, like race, should be treated as a suspect classification. We are told that Justice Brennan circulated a draft opinion in which he proposed to declare classification by sex virtually impermissi­ble and that he knew this would have the effect of "enacting" the pending ERA. "But Brennan was accustomed to having the Court out in front, leading any civil rights movement," a major publication stated. Hence, we are further told, he saw "no reason to wait several years for the states to ratify the amendment." No reason, that is, other than the fact, which Brennan implicitly acknowledged, that the Constitu­tion as then written, and which had not yet been rewritten by the only people authorized to rewrite it, did not support the role he would have the Court hand down.

Those who would use "convenience" or "frustration" as reason, or who insist that it lies within the powers of the Court (or the Congress or the Executive) to effect constitutional change, can be charged with a lack of respect for the principles on which, as Marshall wisely observed: "the whole American fabric has been erected."

We are told that it is unreasonable - even foolish - to expect that the Framers could have written a Constitution suitable alike for a society of husbandman and a society of multinational corporations, to say nothing of one as well adapted to the age of the musket and sailing ship as to the age of intercontinental nuclear-tipped missiles. As the problems have changed, the argument goes, so must the manner in which they are confronted and solved, and the Constitution cannot be allowed to stand in the way. Indeed, there is no reason to allow it to stand in the way, we are told, because the Framers intended it to be flexible. And we are told that John Marshall would support this position. But it was Marshall, in McCulloch v. Maryland, who stated: "Throughout this vast republic, from the St. Croix to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, revenue is to be collected and expended, armies are to be marched and supported." The United States, in this view was not intended to be a simple society of husbandmen, and Marshall Clearly saw that the Constitution empowered Congress to do what was required to meet the crises of the Republic, and to maintain the Constitutional structure intended by the Framers, changing it only when such change would be in keeping with the structure itself.

That the American Constitution is long-lived, has enduring qualities, and was intended for the ages cannot be doubted. That it was founded on enduring principles, and that it was based on the authority of a people who are sovereign has been attested to by many of its leaders. That it can be changed when, and if, the people ordain such change is a part of its own provisions. For these reasons, it can be said to be a "Living Constitution" - but let that not be claimed by those who would use the language to subvert the structure.

Our Ageless Constitution - Part VII (1987) (Publisher: W. David Stedman Associates; W. D. Stedman & La Vaughn G. Lewis, Eds.) ISBN 0-937047-01-5       (Essay adapted by Editors for publication in this Volume in consultation with Dr. Walter Berns from Berns' article by the same title in National Forum, The Phi Kappa Phi Journal, Fall 1984)

9 posted on 02/01/2017 12:41:55 PM PST by loveliberty2
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Lurkinanloomin

RE: They dedicated entire issues to defeating Trump.

Yes they did, and that’s because these authors believed that other candidates on the list were better ( as did I ).

That does not mean that they would not vote for Trump if he became the candidate ( as did I ).

I will not necessarily equate someone who did not make Trump their top choice with someone who is a NeverTrumper.

10 posted on 02/01/2017 12:44:24 PM PST by SeekAndFind (q)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 6 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind
the Second Amendment “protects an individual’s right to own firearms and may not be infringed lightly.>p>Try it again, Gorsuch:

the Second Amendment “protects an individual’s right to own firearms and may not be infringed. lightly.

Everything else about this man looks superb. There is just this one little kink in the rope. I would like to see this questioned by the Senators and it certainly should not be considered a no-go but I would like to hear him expand on that "lightly."

11 posted on 02/01/2017 12:50:19 PM PST by arthurus
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Ray76

Neil Gorsuch, Michael Guzman, “Will The Gentlemen Please Yield? A Defense Of The Constitutionality Of State-imposed Term Limitations”, 20 Hofstra L Rev 341 (1991)

12 posted on 02/01/2017 12:50:46 PM PST by Ray76 (DRAIN THE SWAMP)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 7 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

Liberals are going to LOOVEE this guy! Haha. Brace yourself for hysteria and vulgarity. Too many cases favorable to religion and decency. Their pointy heads are going to explode.


13 posted on 02/01/2017 1:02:01 PM PST by Trumplican
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: arthurus

RE: Everything else about this man looks superb. There is just this one little kink in the rope. I would like to see this questioned by the Senators and it certainly should not be considered a no-go but I would like to hear him expand on that “lightly.”

The other thing that gives me second thought is Gorsuch attends St. Johns Episcopal Church in Boulder. The pastor is a WOMAN.

There are 2 episcopal churches in Boulder, one of them is and has long been a hotbed of liberal activism, pro-gay, pro-abortion, extremely anti-gun while the other is more traditional and conservative. Gorsuch attends the liberal one, which has a female Reverend, Susan W Springer.

The church even encourages members to join its anti-gun lobbying campaign, last year it had the 49 Bells Project to ‘bring attention to gun violence’.

This pastor’s Facebook feed does not mention the March for Life - which was huge, but she proudly attended the Women’s VaJajay March.


“Somewhere in that glorious, unified, peaceful, friendly law-abiding crowd of 200k was a contingent from St John’s in Boulder. I carried a sign that read “Episcopalian women marching for the dignity of every human being.” I had some extra, and gave four away. Some people came over to say hello, including three folks whose relatives are Episcopal priests. We met an Episcopalian from Grand Junction, and one from Golden. We even saw a number of our own parishioners, marching with friends and family. I have never felt so connected to humanity as I did yesterday. Members of our contingent are joining to keep the work for justice and equality moving forward.”

14 posted on 02/01/2017 1:10:20 PM PST by SeekAndFind (q)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 11 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

I went back and checked.
Cruz would have lost.
And he in not a natural born citizen.

15 posted on 02/01/2017 1:12:47 PM PST by Lurkinanloomin (Natural Born Citizen Means Born Here Of Citizen Parents - Know Islam, No Peace -No Islam, Know Peace)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 10 | View Replies]

To: Ray76

The Future of Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia, Neil M. Gorsuch

After assessing the strengths and weaknesses of arguments for assisted suicide and euthanasia, Gorsuch builds a nuanced, novel, and powerful moral and legal argument against legalization, one based on a principle that, surprisingly, has largely been overlooked in the debate—the idea that human life is intrinsically valuable and that intentional killing is always wrong. At the same time, the argument Gorsuch develops leaves wide latitude for individual patient autonomy and the refusal of unwanted medical treatment and life-sustaining care, permitting intervention only in cases where an intention to kill is present.


Acknowledgments xi

Chapter 1: Introduction 1

Chapter 2: The Glucksberg and Quill Controversies: The Judiciary’s (Non)Resolution of the Assisted Suicide Debate 8
2.1 The Washington Due Process Litigation 8
2.2 The New York Equal Protection Litigation 11
2.3 The Final Battle? The Supreme Court Does (and Does Not) Decide 14
2.4 The Aftermath of Glucksberg and Quill 17

Chapter 3: The Debate over History 19
3.1 Which History? 20
3.2 The Project 22
3.3 The Ancients 22
3.4 Early Christian History 25
3.5 English Common Law 28
3.6 Colonial American Experience 29
3.7 The Modern Consensus on Suicide and Its Assistance 30
3.8 The Euthanasia Movement 33
3.9 Prevailing Law Today 43
3.10 Conclusion 46

Chapter 4: Arguments from Fairness and Equal Protection: If a Right to Refuse, Then a Right to Assisted Suicide? 48
4.1 An Act /Omission Distinction? 49
4.2 A Causation-Based Distinction? 51
4.3 Toward an Intent-Based Distinction: The Insight of the Double Effect Principle 53
4.4 Some (Initial) Arguments against Double Effect: Conflating Intent and Foresight 57
4.5 Distinguishing Suicide, Assisted Suicide, and Euthanasia from the Right to Refuse: Intending versus Foreseeing Death 62
4.6 Some (Additional) Criticisms of Double Effect as Applied to the Assisted Suicide Debate 69
4.7 Conclusion 75

Chapter 5: Casey and Cruzan: Do They Intimate a Right to Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia? 76
5.1 The “Reasoned Judgment” Test and Its Critics 76
5.2 Casey-Based Arguments 79
5.3 Cruzan-Based Arguments 82
5.4 Conclusion 84

Chapter 6: Autonomy Theory’s Implications for the Debate over Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia 86
6.1 The Autonomy Debate 86
6.2 The Neutralist View of Autonomy 87
6.3 The Harm Principle’s Competing View 89
6.4 Perfectionism and Autonomy 90
6.5 The Implications of Autonomy Theory for the Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia Debate 93

Chapter 7: Legalization and the Law of Unintended Consequences: Utilitarian Arguments for Legalization 102
7.1 The Dutch Experience: “Virtually Abuse-Free”? 103
7.2 The Oregon Experience: An “All-Too Conscientious” Statutory Regime? 115
7.3 Legalization and Other Unintended Consequences 125
7.4 Decriminalization as a “Costless” Enterprise? 132
7.5 How to “Balance” the Costs and Benefits of Legalization? 138
7.6 Conclusion 141

Chapter 8: Two Test Cases: Posner and Epstein 143
8.1 Posner’s Utilitarian Case for Assisted Suicide 143
8.2 Posner’s and Epstein’s Libertarian Case for Assisted Suicide 152

Chapter 9: An Argument against Legalization 157
9.1 The Inviolability of Human Life 157
9.2 What Does It Mean to Respect Human Life as a Basic Good? 163
9.3 Some Objections 167
9.4 The Future of the Oregon Experiment? 176

Chapter 10: Toward a Consistent End-of-Life Ethic: The “Right to Refuse” Care for Competent and Incompetent Patients 181
10.1 The Inviolability of Life and the “Right to Refuse” for Competent Persons 182
10.2 The “Right to Refuse” and Infant Patients 191
10.3 The “Right to Refuse” and Incompetent Adult Patients 204
10.4 Conclusions 215

Epilogue 219
Appendix A: Certain American Statutory Laws Banning or Disapproving of Assisted Suicide 227
Appendix B: Statistical Calculations 229

Notes 231
Bibliography 285
Index 303

16 posted on 02/01/2017 1:14:47 PM PST by Ray76 (DRAIN THE SWAMP)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 12 | View Replies]

To: Lurkinanloomin

RE: Cruz would have lost.

We don’t know that.

RE: And he in not a natural born citizen.

That has been argued ad nausuem. Courts from several states have said that he is qualified.

But why are we revisiting Ted Cruz? He’s not the President today. That’s water under the bridge now.

17 posted on 02/01/2017 1:14:48 PM PST by SeekAndFind (q)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 15 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

I was curious about who you thought would have been a better candidate.

18 posted on 02/01/2017 1:22:49 PM PST by Lurkinanloomin (Natural Born Citizen Means Born Here Of Citizen Parents - Know Islam, No Peace -No Islam, Know Peace)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 17 | View Replies]

To: Lurkinanloomin

RE: I was curious about who you thought would have been a better candidate.

Candidate or President? The reality is Trump won, so yes, Trump is the better candidate. But I still believe Cruz or Rubio or Kasich could have beaten Hillary as well.

Personally, I still believe Cruz would have been the better President, but that’s just me.

Anybody from the bunch would be better than Hillary of course.

19 posted on 02/01/2017 1:27:42 PM PST by SeekAndFind (q)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 18 | View Replies]

To: SeekAndFind

Rubio and Kasich would have been disasters.
Amnesty would have been their first agenda item.
End of the country.

20 posted on 02/01/2017 1:31:48 PM PST by Lurkinanloomin (Natural Born Citizen Means Born Here Of Citizen Parents - Know Islam, No Peace -No Islam, Know Peace)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 19 | View Replies]

Navigation: use the links below to view more comments.
first 1-2021-32 next last

Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.

Free Republic
Browse · Search
Topics · Post Article

FreeRepublic, LLC, PO BOX 9771, FRESNO, CA 93794 is powered by software copyright 2000-2008 John Robinson