Posted on 07/04/2019 7:06:18 PM PDT by madprof98
It won’t be long before “Buttgig” realizes he’s out in the middle of nowhere and his GPS just died.
You do not get much help from Google on such, since their results abound with liberal sources, and "for the exact same crime" is esp. dubious. Yet regardless if the statement is accurate or not, a significantly higher incarceration rate even for the exact same crime simply is not evidence of systemic racism. For what is not included is prior arrest records, and the severity of the crime.
Rather than favoritism being shown towards whites, Buttigieg is most likely confusing a higher incarceration rate among blacks for the exact same crime with a much higher amount of blacks being incarcerated for committing the same crime as whites, which is because American blacks commit crime at a much higher rate.
For what is documented is that of a significantly higher incarceration rate for blacks vs. whites, yet besides aspects such as the severity of the crime, and the number of youth, this is mainly due to the destruction of the family and honest work ethic in the American black culture (social and environmental conditions) and the overall attitude of it, which is a product of choosing the demonic victim-entitlement mentality sold by liberals. Another factor is the number of young males in the population. The problem is not race but culture. Likewise Irishmen have a high rate of alcoholism than Asians, and sodomites have a much higher HIV rate.
An article from John J. DiIulio, Jr. (Spring 1996 Public safety The Social Order) in 1996 states (excerpts):
If blacks are overrepresented in the ranks of the imprisoned, it is because blacks are overrepresented in the criminal ranks—and the violent criminal ranks, at that.
By the year 2005 we will probably have 200,000 convicted juvenile criminals, half of them black males, in secure confinement, including adult prisons and jails—over three times more than the number of incarcerated juveniles today. The reason for this will not be racism or what OJJDP calls “disproportionate minority confinement.” The reason will be that more black boys grew up without adults who were willing and able to save them—and their victims—from tragedy.
Consider the data. A 1993 study of the racial impact of federal sentencing guidelines found that the imposition between 1986 and 1990 of stiffer penalties for drug offenders, especially cocaine traffickers, did not result in racially disparate sentences. The amount of the drug sold, the seriousness of the offender’s prior criminal history, whether weapons were involved, and other such valid characteristics of criminals and their crimes accounted for all the observed interracial variations in prison sentences.
Similarly, a 1991 RAND Corporation study of adult robbery and burglary defendants in 14 large U.S. cities found that a defendant’s race or ethnic group bore almost no relation to conviction rates, sentencing severity, or other key measures. In 1995, federal government statistician Patrick A. Langan analyzed data on 42,500 defendants in the nation’s 75 largest counties and found “no evidence that, in the places where blacks in the United States have most of their contacts with the justice system, that system treats them more harshly than whites.”
A 1985 study by Langan of black-white differentials in imprisonment rates demonstrated that “even if racism exists, it might explain only a small part of the gap between the 11 percent black representation in the United States adult population and the now nearly 50 percent black representation among persons entering state prisons each year in the United States.” An otherwise typically liberal-leaning 1993 National Academy of Sciences study voiced the same basic conclusion.
...one in three young black males is under correctional supervision because young black male rates of serious crime are so high..
Predictably, the Sentencing Project and its turn-’em-loose comrades-in-arms have now begun to dig for more such racially polarizing pay dirt. For example, the Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice in San Francisco recently “found” that 40 percent of black men in their twenties in California were under some form of correctional supervision. Representative Maxine Waters held a news conference in which she declared the study proof that in California the color of your skin dictates whether you will be arrested or not, prosecuted harshly or less harshly, or receive a stiff sentence or gain probation or entry into treatment.
Except for a very few dissenting voices, including the nation’s leading crime-policy scholar, UCLA’s James Q. Wilson, virtually all the published and broadcast “expert” commentary on this report followed the radical-liberal party line.
The Sentencing Project and its supporters can pretend all they want that racism and the “war on drugs” have put too many harmless young black males in prison. But are racist drug laws responsible for the fact that weapons arrest rates during 1993 were five times greater for blacks than for whites? Do they explain the fact that 47 percent of all black men in prison in 1995 were in for a violent crime, and that most black state prisoners, like most state prisoners, have committed one or more violent crimes in the past? Do they explain the fact that the black men in prison for a drug crime were, like virtually all prisoners, repeat offenders with non-drug crimes on their rap sheets?
Based on its latest crime victimization surveys, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics estimates that in 1993 alone blacks committed 1.29 million violent crimes against other blacks—80 percent of all violent crimes against blacks. Blacks also committed 1.54 million violent crimes against whites—18 percent of all violent crimes against whites.
As a number of analysts have begun to notice, blacks are about 50 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites than whites are to commit violent crimes against blacks. Like the Sentencing Project’s “1 in 3” number, this “50 to 1” statistic is technically correct. If you divide the total number of black-on-white violent crimes in 1993 (1.29 million) by the number of black males age 20 to 29 in the population in 1993 (3.94 million), you get a ratio equal to 1,013 violent crimes against whites per 10,000 young black males. If you do the same calculation for the total number of white-on-black crimes (186,000) divided by the total number of twenty-something white males (22.9 million), you get a ratio of 17.6 violent crimes committed by whites against blacks for every 10,000 young white males. Thus, the incidence of interracial black-on-white violent crime by young black males (1,013) is 57.5 times the incidence of interracial white-on-black crime by young white males (17.6). Using different denominators (for example, white versus black males age 15 to 29) moves the statistic down a bit (in the example given, to 48 to 1). But it clusters around “50 to 1.”
It is often asserted that the 1980s war on drugs resulted in a more racially “disproportionate” prison population. The data tell a different story. In 1980, 46.6 percent of state prisoners and 34.4 percent of federal prisoners were black; by 1990, 48.9 percent of state prisoners and 31.4 percent of federal prisoners were black. In 1988, the median time served in confinement by black violent offenders was 25 months, versus 24 months for their white counterparts. The mean sentence lengths were 116 months for blacks and 110 for whites, while the mean times actually served in confinement were 37 months for blacks, 33 months for whites. These small differences are explained by the fact that black violent crimes are generally more serious than white ones (aggravated rather than simple assaults, weapon-related crimes rather than weaponless ones).
As a recent study funded by the National Institute of Justice and other federal agencies acknowledged, in “an important sense the label ‘drug offender’ is a misnomer.” Few “drug offenders” are in prison for mere possession. In 1991, for example, only 2 percent of the 36,648 persons admitted to federal prisons were in for drug possession. Moreover, as for imprisoned drug traffickers, most have long and diversified criminal records—only their latest and most serious conviction offense is a drug-trafficking offense.
[And re. capital punishment cases] Reviewing the evidence in 1994, Professors Stanley Rothman and Stephen Powers concluded that after controlling for all relevant variables, one finds simply no evidence of racial disparities in post-1972 capital sentencing. The crucial variable is the severity of the crime.
Even the raw statistics don’t show much sign of racism. From the day the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976 through the end of 1993, more than 400,000 Americans were murdered. Over the same period, only 226 killers were executed, 38 percent of them black. In 1993, blacks were 40 percent of the 2,716 prisoners on death row and 36 percent of the 38 convicted murderers executed. The scandalous truth is, most of the thousands of murderers behind bars don’t face too harsh but too lenient a punishment. Most get out of prison. Murderers released from state prisons in 1992 served an average of only 5.9 years. There is no evidence that black murderers get out any less quickly than comparable white ones.
recall Jackson’s own tortured words on November 27, 1993: “There is nothing more painful for me at this stage of my life than to walk down the street and hear footsteps and start to think about robbery and then look around and see it’s somebody white and feel relieved. How humiliating.”
Above all, hear the Reverend Eugene Rivers of Boston. In the 1960s, Rivers was a member of one of Philadelphia’s most violent black street gangs. Then the Reverend Ben Smith, a legend in the City of Brotherly Love, set him on the right path.
A moral problem—a deficit of conscience, of values, of connectedness—requires a moral solution, and only a moral institution that comes out of the black community, such as the black church, can bring to bear the moral authority to solve it. “It’s barbed wire and more black juvenile super-predators,” observes Rivers, “or civil society and stronger black churches. It’s that simple.”
As regards more recent stats and accuracy thereof, from 2018 we have this:
National perspective. The most accurate national perspective of local incarceration rates comes from the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ (BJS) Annual Survey of Jails and its Census of Jails,.. While both surveys convey a great deal of information — including jail admissions, age, pretrial status, charge level, and community supervision statistics — the vast majority of data is not sorted by race or ethnicity. To date, race and ethnicity information are only collected to capture the demographic composition of the national jail population on a specific snapshot date, usually the last weekday in June. And although federal agencies are required to use current Office of Management and Budget (OMB) standards for the reporting of data on race and ethnicity, these do not apply to states and local governments, which can result in inconsistent data collection methods on race among federal, state, and local agencies....
Although comprising 13 percent of the total population, black people make up 35 percent of the combined state and federal prison population and are incarcerated at over five times the rate of white people.
Black jail incarceration rates have fallen significantly since the nationwide peak in 2005; in contrast, white jail incarceration rates have steadily grown across all regions and jurisdiction types since 1990....many jails do not ask people their race or ethnicity directly, and merely record apparent race at booking.
Between 2005 and 2013, however, the black jail incarceration rate declined by 20 percent. Not only did the rate of black incarceration decline nationally, but so did the number of black people held in jails, with 34,000 fewer black people held in jails on any given day in 2013, compared to 2005. (
By 2013, the South had the highest rate of white jail incarceration (348 per 100,000), while the Northeast had the lowest (168 per 100,000). Growth in the South was so great that by 2013, the South held around the same number of white people in jail on any given day (160,000) as the other three regions combined (171,000). (Ram Subramanian, Kristine Riley, and Chris Mai. Divided Justice: Trends in Black and White Jail Incarceration , 1990-2013. New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2018.)
Indeed. See above post if you like.
Been a FReeper for over 20 years and have never seen an article about white kids rioting at a mall, rioting in a fast food joint, rioting in any venue.
But I have seen a LOT of “teens “ and “youths” doing a LOT of rioting as well as older blacks creating fights and rioting.
And the local crime reports I see on local television stations showing the perpetrators is nearly 90% black.
Only time whites outnumber blacks in criminal arrests is when our local Sheriff Grady Judd runs a sting for sexy crimes.
Guess cameras are racist.
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