"Neigh!"
Posted on 08/10/2008 7:03:08 AM PDT by Homer_J_Simpson
[Indications of increased tension were threats in a Tokyo newspaper that Japanese planes would battle Soviet raids in Korea and fears among Moscow foreigners that war was near.]
Six-inch projectiles came over at a rate of at least six a minute. Invariably one or two range-finding shots were followed by a series of direct hits, which continued until the shelling shifted to another point.
At the foot of Changkufeng a village blazed fiercely. Hundreds of shells had scored direct hits.
On the Korean side of the Tumen River only one spot was the target of Soviet guns in the afternoon bombardment, a hill that was struck by about thirty shells.
Soviet and Japanese machine gun and rifle fire was heard early in the afternoon. Then Soviet guns started a bombardment of Hill 82, at the southern foot of Changkufeng. Approximately thirty shells landed on the height.
From Hill 52, a half mile to the south, a battery of Japanese mountain guns began firing to the east, apparently against a Soviet tank charge. Then the Russians laid down a blanket of fire along this hill. After a half-hour’s bombardment it was scarred and smoking from the impact of at least 150 shells.
Soviet gunners, meanwhile did not neglect the Tumen River fords northwest and west of Changkufeng. Shell after shell sent columns of dirty water into the air. The Russians never left of firing for more than two minutes.
The bombardment covered the front from Hill 52 through Hill 82, Changkufeng’s twin heights, northward to the Shachofeng sector. The Russian batteries appeared to be situated to the southeast and east. The source of the Japanese return fire could not be determined.
There were no Japanese communiqués giving their version of the Moscow announcement that the Japanese had been driven from Changkufeng. From the shelling, however, it appeared that if the Japanese had been routed from the hilltop they had returned to the positions, because they were subjected to heavy fire.
Japanese officers reported that Soviet reinforcements were being brought into the battle zone. They said they expected the Russians would take “still more vigorous measures.”
A tour of the Korean swamp behind Changkufeng showed that Saturday’s Soviet bombardment left a number of huge shellholes. It was in that bombardment that the railway station at Kogi was blown up.
A near-by first aid station had disappeared and there were dozens of shell craters in the vicinity. The Rashin railway was severed north of Kogi, but trains still were running to a point near the break.
Meanwhile, the War Office announced that a severe attack on Changkufeng had been started by Soviet forces last midnight and was still continuing at 7 o’clock this morning, with the Japanese holding all their positions.
Last night the War Office announced that two Soviet attacks on Changkufeng had been repulsed yesterday. The second attack was reported to have been made at Shilinfeng, six miles north of Shatsaopin, which previously had not been under fire.
Japanese and Soviet troops were said to be facing each other across a space varying from 500 to 1,000 meters. No Soviet tanks were seen in the front line. Heavy clouds prevented airplane flights.
The newspaper Asahi said it had been reliably informed that Marshal Vassily Bluecher, commander of the Far East Red Army, had arrived at Novokievsk, twenty miles northeast of Changkufeng, for military conferences and to assume command of the units under fire.
General Seishiro Itagaki, Japanese War Minister, summoned army leaders to an urgent conference at 11 o’clock last night to study the Manchukuoan border situation. Their decisions were not revealed at the end of the meeting shortly after midnight but it is believed they mapped Japan’s immediate action against the Soviet Union.
Soviet artillery bombarded a passenger train between the Shikai and Kogi stations in Korea, killing several noncombatants this morning, according to the War Office.
The communiqué said the Soviet was concentrating a fairly large number of infantry, cavalry and artillery units about fourteen miles south of Chankufeng.
The communiqué asserted that Soviet troops usually approach the Japanese positions with several tanks leading about a dozen soldiers to attract Japanese fire. The second line of Soviet infantry then returns the fire.
The Japanese declared that the Soviet tanks were locked so the occupants could not escape. When Soviet troops charged they were said to have advanced under cover of artillery barrages until within ninety feet of the Japanese line when they threw hand grenades. The communiqué concludes that the failure of Soviet soldiers to make bayonet charges shows their lack of confidence in hand-to-hand fighting.
The reported construction of new Soviet defenses on the shore of Possiet Bay were regarded with particular importance. The bay is a submarine base guarding approaches to the Soviet naval base at Vladivostok, seventy-five miles to the northeast. The War Office spokesman expressed the belief that the concentrations at Possiet Bay meant an extension of the front.
A Japanese communiqué said nearly 1,000 bodies of Russians had been collected on all parts of the front.
“Units which attacked the Japanese sustained such heavy losses it was probably necessary to re-form their lines,” the army spokesman said.
A dispatch from Yuki, Korea, quoted two Soviet deserters as saying that more than 140 Russian fighting planes were stationed at Spassk, 350 miles north of Changkufeng and that four Soviet divisions at the front include one cavalry brigade and two tank corps.
At the Foreign Office it was said that their conversation was wholly of a routine character and, among other things, concerned the present armed conflict on the Manchukuo frontier.
It was vigorously denied, however, that the Ambassador sought enlightenment from Herr von Ribbentrop on how far Germany was prepared to expand the present framework of the tripartite anti-Comintern pact, and whether in an extreme emergency she would also give it positive military implications.
The only comfort extended to the Tokyo spokesman, it has been learned , was that Germany’s sympathies in the present clash naturally were with Japan and she would always champion Japan against the Soviet whenever the issue involved bolshevism.
It was hinted that, in the present crisis, the question of whether Japan could expect something more tangible than German “sympathy” was not involved. The Foreign Office spokesman said that reports current abroad that Tokyo had pressed for something “more realistic” were unfounded.
The circumstance that the Japanese Ambassador requested the audience with Herr von Ribbentrop at the latter’s country seat in preference to discussing his mission with the Minister’s acting representative at the Foreign Office naturally made neutral diplomatic circles inquisitive. Those circles, however, appear inclined to accept the official German version of the conversation as coming close to the Reich’s attitude in the present situation.
It is now accepted as an authentic German viewpoint that the Reich realizes that it has in Japan an embarrassing ally on its hands. If the Sino-Japanese conflict confronted German foreign policy with highly uncomfortable developments, there is added reason to view with even graver apprehension the possibilities of serious international complication along the Manchukuo frontier.
With the Spanish civil war and the Czech nationalities crisis as sources of concern closer to home, it is conceivable that Germany is neither prepared nor willing to court fresh liabilities and graver implications elsewhere. Whatever platonic affections may be implied in the three-cornered anti-Comintern pact, it may be safely assumed that they do not now envisage any expansion in the direction of military obligations.
Tokyo, it would seem, therefore, will have to content itself with German professions of “sympathy,” and it is presumed here that Italy – the other party to the anti-Comintern pact – will support the German attitude.
Air Marshal Italo Balbo, Governor of Libya, who flew here from Tripoli, received a rousing welcome from Marshal Hermann Goering and his aviation staff when he landed at the military airdrome this afternoon.
Marshal Balbo, who will be Marshal Goering’s guest for three days, will see the German military airports and aviation plants, but beyond that, it was announced that his visit had no political significance. Air pacts and similar commitments will not be discussed.
The Japanese press perceives a ray of hope in Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinoff’s acceptance in principle of a border arbitration commission but the newspaper Asahi, skeptical of Moscow’s good faith, reviews at length the history of efforts to create a commission.
The newspaper Miyako violently attacks Soviet armed activity on the border, saying “the illegal entry of Soviet troops on Manchukuoan-Japanese territory may be called a minor incident and may be overlooked, but it is utterly outrageous that more than 100 Soviet planes daily bombard Manchukuoan and Korean towns.”
“This is enough to provoke a saint,” it continues, “and there is a limit to Japanese patience. Unless the Soviet immediately suspends such illegal acts Japan may be forced to pursue an eye-for-an-eye course and order Japanese aircraft to take action against invading airplanes.”
The newspaper says that if Japanese troops withdraw from the disputed area it would be tantamount to Japan’s acknowledging that it was Russian soil and adds:
“Japan does not intend to open diplomatic negotiations to decide whether the Soviet occupation of Changkufeng was justifiable or not. There is no reason why the Soviet should invade Korean towns, refusing to localize the conflict at Changkufeng.”
It was generally agreed in the beginning that the Soviet leaders believed that Japan would never risk a war because of her commitments in China, but now there is a growing conviction that Japan’s military extremists are determined to force the issue despite the moderates in the Tokyo Government.
The Soviet Government, however, is equally determined not to recede from the stand it adopted, even to avoid war.
The second session of the Supreme Soviet begins tomorrow, and before it concludes it may find itself confronting a serious situation.
“Indignation” resolutions, demanding stern action against Japan, continue to pour in from all parts of the country.
Funao Miyakawa, First Secretary of the Japanese Embassy, visited the Foreign Office and talked with the chief of the Far Eastern section, but it was understood their conversation was limited to discussion of the recent Russian-Japanese clash at Suifenho, 250 miles north of Changkufeng.
Le Journal de Moscou, a French-language publication which speaks unofficially for the Russian Foreign Office declared “the Soviet Union fully realizes that Japanese militarists intend to draw Japan into war against the U.S.S.R.”
“The Soviet Union also knows,” it went on,” that this war, if it breaks out, will end in full defeat for Japanese imperialism and the final checking of Japanese provocations in the Far East.
“The Japanese Government and the Kwantung [Japanese army in Manchukuo] and Korean headquarters ought to study with attention the statement made by Litvinoff in his conversation with the Japanese Ambassador Aug. 7, that henceforward the Soviet Government has no intention to tolerate unpunished periodical killing and wounding of its frontier guards or occupation, even temporary, of Soviet territory by Japanese troops, and that it has determined in similar cases in the future to take the most drastic measures, including the use of artillery and aviation.
“These words of the People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs formulate with utter clarity the position of the U. S. S. R., and the Japanese organizers of provocations must consider it.
“If they strive for extension of hostilities they must expect the most disastrous consequences. If, on the contrary, the Japanese Government wishes to put an end to the conflict, it has every possibility to do so. Corresponding Soviet proposals were summed up by Litvinoff with utter clarity.
“If, while Japanese diplomacy is examining the utterly clear and natural proposals of the Soviet Government Japanese militarists renew attacks against territory of the U. S. S. R., they are warned that they will meet fierce resistance in every way.
“If, on the contrary, they take into account the lessons they have received it will be possible to find a way out of the present situation. In any case, the peaceful but at the same time firm and unflinching position of the Soviet Union, which fears no prospect, is known to Japan and the entire world.”
They refused, however, to be quoted beyond pointing out the importance of the place as a railhead and the northernmost seaport in Korea.
Rashin is the northernmost seaport in Korea and the railhead of a transportation system which spreads with three arms over Northern Korea, into Siberia and into Manchuria, connecting at one point with the Chinese Eastern Railway.
Within ten miles of Rashin the railroad runs through the fighting zone. If the Russian troops establish permanent control of the Shachofeng section they can paralyze Rashin as a commercial outlet and prevent the use of that port as an inlet for supplies for Japanese troops in Korea and Manchuria. Such an event would not materially cripple the Japanese, but would add one more complication to their operations on the continent.
Destruction of that seaport, if it could be accomplished without too great cost to the Soviet forces, would appear to suit the purposes of the Soviet Government. It would hurt the Japanese and make more secure the positions of Vladivostok, about sixty miles to the northward, and Novokievsk, an important little Siberian seaport in Possiet Bay.
Possiet Bay is between Vladivostok and Rashin. It is a sheltered bay open to navigation considerably longer than Vladivostok, just as is Rashin. The bay has no known railway connections with the outside world but highways connect it with the Rashin railway.
If the Siberian government wishes to extend its sphere of influence southward or, as some observers believe, to “protect” itself from a threat of Japanese invasion, it can accomplish that by the destruction of Rashin and the development of Novokievsk.
No one here knows what is in this new Russian port because it is not open to foreign inspection and, due to natural conditions, is more remote from Vladivostok than the distance in miles would indicate.
Hirosi Saito, Japanese Ambassador, conferred today with Secretary of State Cordell Hull, but both officials denied there was political significance in the conversation.
They discussed conditions in the Far East, but only in a general way. Mr. Saito said. Secretary Hull told news reporters that the conversation was only a routine one following Mr. Saito’s absence form Washington for several weeks.
I apologize for the feast or famine nature of my posts for the last few weeks. The reason is that when I went to the library to collect stories for July and August I ran short of time so I just printed out a bunch of stories for one day and skipped ahead four days and printed some more. I will plan better for September and so the presentation should be more enjoyable. Please bear with me through August. Just keep you fingers crossed that all the international crises can be resolved through negotiation and war can be averted. Well, maybe it's too late to avert war in China, but you know what I mean.
Putin on "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century":
"World democratic opinion has yet to realize the alarming implications of President Vladimir Putin's State of the Union speech on April 25, 2005, in which he said that the collapse of the Soviet Union represented the 'greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.'
http://www.hooverdigest.org/053/beichman.html
From the Sino-Russian Joint Statement of April 23, 1997:
"The two sides [China and Russia] shall, in the spirit of partnership, strive to promote the multipolarization of the world and the establishment of a new international order."
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Central_Asia/HI29Ag01.html
Russia, China flex muscles in joint war games
Reuters: Aug 17, 2007
http://in.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idINIndia-29030120070817?pageNumber=1&virtualBrandChannel=0
U.S. Navy Intercepts Russian Bombers Flying Near Ships
Monday, February 11, 2008
http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,330362,00.html
From National Public Radio (NPR):
"Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez has been visiting countries such as China, Iran and Russia as part of an effort to build a 'strategic alliance' of interests not beholden to the United States. He considers the United States his arch enemy.":
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5729764
From the Russian News and Information Agency:
"'I am determined to expand relations with Russia,' Chavez, known as an outspoken critic of what he calls the United States' unilateralism, told the Russian leader, adding that his determination stemmed from their shared vision of the global order.":
http://en.rian.ru/russia/20060727/51913498.html
From WorldThreats.com:
"Chavez pledged that his country would 'stay by Iran at any time and under any condition,' state television reported. Ahmadinejad said he saw in Chavez a kindred spirit." "'We do not have any limitation in cooperation,' Ahmadinejad was quoted as saying. 'Iran and Venezuela are next to each other and supporters of each other. Chavez is a source of a progressive and revolutionary current in South America and his stance in restricting imperialism is tangible.'":
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2006/07/29/world/main1847331.shtml
_____________________________________________________
(the collapse of the Soviet Union represented) "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century"
-Vladimir Putin (2005) on the so-called 'collapse' of the Evil Empire
"'The Black Book of Communism,' a scholarly accounting of communism’s crimes, counts about 94 million murdered by the supposed champions of the common man (20 million for the Soviets alone), and some say that number is too low."
http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=ZmY0MjI1MDgyYjg1M2UwNDMzMTk2Mjk5YTk0ZTdlMWE=
If the Sino-Japanese conflict confronted German foreign policy with highly uncomfortable developments, there is added reason to view with even graver apprehension the possibilities of serious international complication along the Manchukuo frontier.
With the Spanish civil war and the Czech nationalities crisis as sources of concern closer to home, it is conceivable that Germany is neither prepared nor willing to court fresh liabilities and graver implications elsewhere.
Whatever platonic affections may be implied in the three-cornered anti-Comintern pact, it may be safely assumed that they do not now envisage any expansion in the direction of military obligations.
Tokyo, it would seem, therefore, will have to content itself with German professions of “sympathy,” "
Fascinating, if I understand this.
In 1938, Japan appeals to Hitler for aid against Stalin, and Hitler promises the Japanese only "sympathy." Hitler's priorities were then elsewhere -- Spain and Czechoslovakia.
In 1941, Hitler could desperately have used Japanese help -- by attacking Stalin's Far East army. But the Japanese in effect offered Hitler only "sympathy." Japan's priorities were then elsewhere -- Pearl Harbor, the Philippines, Singapore, etc....
So Hitler reaped in 1941 what he sowed in 1938?
Before the year 1938 was over, Marshal Bluecher (also spelled Blyukher) would be dead--a victim of Stalin's purges.
Enter Zhukov.
Ohh where are the Japanese when we need em’ to pound Stalin, I mean Putin’s right flank....?
"Neigh!"
Milhist ping
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