3/11: The Amazing Life and Death of Jamal Ahmidan (II): His Political Family

Libertad Digital ^ | 2 September 2008 | Luis del Pino

[J Aguilar]

PART TWO

From Enigmas of 3/11 by Luis del Pino. Chapter 46

THE FAMILY OF JAMAL AHMIDAN

Published in Libertad Digital on September 2nd 2008

For those who still believe, little or much, in the official version of the 3/11 attacks, a certainly striking fact would have to be surprising: the scarce information told to us about the history and personal and familiar circumstances of the supposed perpetrators of the massacre.

LD (Luis del Pino) The sentence from the National High Court ascribes the top responsibility for the attacks on the seven persons who died in Leganes, which would form an independent Islamic terror group that would have organized and committed the Madrid attacks by themselves. The ruling on appeal of that sentence from the Supreme Court clarifies these affirmations, indicating that it could be not all, but only some among the seven ones that died in Leganes, those who had planted the bombs on the trains. Anyways, if we admitted the official version of the attacks, some or all the Leganes dead ones would be the top people in charge of the slaughter.

But then, why does there exist so little information about the personality and the life of the 3/11 terrorists? Why has no one told us almost anything on the personal, labor and familiar circumstances of those characters? How is it that the information coming from the police, the judicial writs and the sentences of the 3/11 case does not include an exhaustive history of these serial killers?

Does somebody know, for instance, where and with who lived in Spain Abdenabi Kounjaa? Did he have a woman? And children? Does somebody know the occupation of Anouar Asrih Rifaat? Can somebody tell us what was doing and the whereabouts of Allekema Lamari in the months before 3/11? What organizations or associations did the Tunisian and the Oulad brothers belong to? Some of them had a fiancee? When did they arrive in Spain?

Nowhere in the [judicial] summary appears any questioning to a relative of Abdenabi Kounjaa. Neither to a relative of Anouar Asrih Rifaat, nor of Serhane Farket (the Tunisian), nor of Allekema Lamari. And the fact is that some of them had relatives in Spain.

From the only one that there is a little information, and not much, is from Jamal Ahmidan, and it is so essentially because from the beginning it was questioned his supposed Spanish woman, Rosa Maria, and because several of his brothers were indicted, and questioned, during the early stages of the investigations.

Nevertheless, even in the case of Jamal Ahmidan, as soon as you begin to scratch in the short information provided, the contradictions arise.

Boy meets girl

Nobody has explained us clearly and in detail the life of Jamal Ahmidan. The only thing that the Spaniards have is a vague notion that he was common delinquent of Moroccan origin, that he came to Spain in the beginning of the 1990’s, he knew a Spanish girl, he married her and left her pregnant before splitting shortly after. We think that his occupation was drug and all kinds of robbed objects trafficking. According to what was told us, he was later jailed in Morocco for some issue related to a homicide, returning to Spain in the summer of 2003 and retaking the relation with his Spanish wife. In a time during those years in which he had been separated from his wife, he became radicalized, and he ended up participating in the attacks of Madrid on March 11th, 2004. That is a summarized version of the story told to us.

That is also the version that comes off from the first testimonies before the Police and the judge of his wife Rosa Maria. In those two testimonies, given days March 26th and 27th 2004, the supposed woman of Jamal said, among other many things:

· That from 1993 on she was the partner of Jamal Ahmidan, with whom she had a son.

· That they left the relation in 1995 or 1996, when Jamal was jailed for drug trafficking.

· That they resumed their relation in July 2003, when Jamal returned from Morocco after two years and a half in jail for a crime against physical integrity of the people.

· That in September or October 2003, she begins to live together with Jamal in Vallecas, in a flat in Villalobos street, number 51.

· That Jamal was dedicated to the transaction of used cars.

· That Jamal had a black Volkswagen Golf, which was sold in February 2004 (one of the cars where they allegedly transported the explosives [for the massacre] from Asturias).

· That around that date (February of 2004), he began to use a blue Opel Astra which belonged to the mother of Rosa Maria (another one of the vehicles which were allegedly used in the transport of explosives from Asturias).

· That in February 2004, Jamal took her to see a property that he had just rented in Morata de Tajuña, in which Jamal in alternating days slept.

· That to that property several friends of Jamal went, besides his cousin Hamid.

· That Jamal had a forged Belgian passport under the name of Yousef Ben Salah.

According to these testimonies, it is not possible to avoid getting the conclusion that this Spanish family (the one of the woman of Jamal) was involved without wanting it in the attacks because a daughter, time back, had a relation with a Moroccan that left her pregnant. That relation was broken many years ago, when Jamal was jailed in Spain, but when he returned from Morocco, few months before the attack, the relation resumed. And because of that, Rosa Maria and her family were involved in problems alien to them.

Is it true all this?

His Political Family

Let us begin clarifying that the relation of Jamal with that family did not limit itself to his wife Rosa Maria. The data that appear in the summary reveals a close relation of Jamal with his political family. Relation, on the other hand, that seems logical, since they had a son in common.

Thus, between May and November 1996, Jamal was arrested in at least four occasions, under the forged identity of Amhed Ajon. And in all the reviews it was indicated that the address of the prisoner was Corredera Baja de San Pablo 22, where indeed lived the mother of Rosa Maria. Also in May 1996, the Moroccan brother-in-law of Jamal, called Jabir Migou, asked for a regularization request, contributing a work contract signed by the mother of Rosa Maria. Thus there existed a sufficiently close relation so that the mother of Rosa Maria offered herself not only to help Jamal, but also other members of his family.

In the summary itself it is also included that in August 1998 Rosa Maria’s mother bought a vehicle on behalf of Jamal, registering it under her own name. Later, in March 2000, the official version affirms that Jamal was arrested under the forged identity of Said Tlidni for document forging. The address that appears in the review of that arrest is, indeed, Pozas 4, that is, where both Rosa Maria and his mother were living then. As a result of that arrest, Jamal was jailed (always under the false identity of Said Tlidni) in an internment center for foreigners, as a previous step to his expulsion. A few weeks later, in April 2000, Jamal would escape from that center, according to was told to us, after attacking a guard with spray. But while he was locked up; Miriam, Rosa Maria’s sister, visited him several times.

It is not true; therefore, that Rosa Maria and Jamal had lost contact between 1996 and 2003. There was a continued contact between Jamal and Rosa Maria, as well as her family throughout the years, and even probably some living together, at least during certain periods.

The Business

One of the showiest details of that relation of Jamal with his political family is that regularization request presented by Jamal’s brother-in-law in May 1996, about which we have already wrote. That regularization request, we must remember, was signed by the mother of Rosa Maria, as employer. And what makes that regularization request especial is the fact that the work to be carried out was, indeed, in an Arab cake shop. It seems that the mother of Rosa Maria was the owner, then, of an Arab cake shop. Is it possible that the idea that was transmitted from the beginning about the political family of Jamal Ahmidan was wrong, and that the contact of that family with the Muslim community was narrower, and less accidental, than we were told?

The data from the Mercantile Registry confirm, indeed, that this is the case. Rosa Maria’s mother was the co-owner of a company named Eurolibanesa, whose social object, according to the statutes of constitution of that society, was "the operation of eastern catering trade businesses and restaurants, cafeterias, bars, chocolate, cake shops, confectioneries…". The company, that it had his seat address in the Tesoro street number 6 (a few meters away from the Pozas street) was constituted on April 22nd 1994 by four partners: Faraj N.D., of Lebanese origin, a top figure of the Amper company [information technologies, civil and military]; his wife Margarita V.G.; another Lebanese called Radwan Nazih and the mother-in-law of Jamal Ahmidan. These two last ones shared the same address, according to what figures in the statutes of that company.

These data means, in principle, nothing, of course. Simply they would prove that Jamal Ahmidan was not the only contact point of the family of Rosa Maria with the community of people coming from Arab countries settled down in Spain.

But we add yet another detail more: in the own summary [of the 3/11 attack] it figures that the insurance of blue Opel Astra vehicle property of Rosa Maria’s mother (that car with, according what we were told, Otman the Gnaoui drove to Burgos to help Jamal Ahmidan bringing from Asturias Goma-2 ECO for the attack) was in 2004 registered, indeed, to Radwan Nazih, the Lebanese partner and probable sentimental companion of Rosa Maria’s mother.

The Opel

It is worth to review the history of that Opel Astra vehicle. Since we have already said, Rosa Maria declared before the Police and judge Del Olmo that this car belonged to her mother and that Jamal Ahmidan began to use it in February 2004.

Nevertheless, the information about the conducted surveillance to Islamic radicals in the months previous to 3/11 throws a surprising data: on October 1st, 2003, a member of the Provincial Brigade of Information detected the Tunisian [see also this], another one of the suicides of Leganes, entering his home carrying a hand bag. Minutes later, he left the address "by foot, performing several maneuvers in evasive attitude, taking numerous security measures,” to leave the place later in the car Opel Astra M-4518-OZ property of Rosa Maria’s mother. We have, then, that this car was used by at least two of the suicides of Leganes, according to the own data from the 3/11 summary.

Before these circumstances, one of the private accusations in the case requested in November 2005 judge Del Olmo to take testimony to Rosa Maria’s mother, as proprietor of the vehicle, and to Radwan Nazih, the taker of the insurance of that car. Judge Del Olmo misestimated that taking of testimony from Radwan Nazih for "inadmissible, useless, delaying and unjustified" (sic). Nevertheless, he did accede to take testimony to the mother of Rosa Maria, testimony that was given, by the way, without the presence of the private accusation that had asked for that witness declaration.

In her declaration before judge Del Olmo, the mother of Rose Maria gave a version on the car issue radically different from the one given by her daughter:

· She affirmed that car was not, in fact, hers, but belonged to Jamal Ahmidan. She said that it was Jamal who had bought it in 1998 but, as he did not have the immigration permits in rule, Rosa Maria had asked her mother to register it under her name.

· She said that as Jamal was jailed in Morocco, the car remained in the street, because neither she nor her two daughters (Rosa Maria and Miriam) had driver's license.

· She said that she met Jamal in the street in September 2003, moment from which it is supposed he began to use his car again.

· Finally, she declared that until that moment (September 2003) her daughter had no idea that Jamal had returned from Morocco.

As we see, nothing to do with the initial version that Rosa Maria had given to the Police as well as to the judge.

That new version allowed explaining how it was possible that the Tunisian was using that car in October 2003: since Jamal returned to use it in September, he could have left it to the Tunisian.

But this new version presents several problems:

· First of all, it is difficult to understand that Rosa Maria was not aware of the car not being her mother’s, but Jamal’s. Why did she say in her first testimony before the Police and the judge that it was her mother’s car and that Jamal did not begin to use it until February 2004?

· Secondly, considering that the mother of Rosa Maria acquired that car (according to her, on behalf of Jamal) in August 1998, it would be proved that the relations between Jamal and the family of Rosa Maria continued, contradicting again the first testimony of Rosa Maria before the Police and the judge, telling that her relation with Jamal had been broken in 1996.

· And thirdly (and this one is the most important problem), that blue Opel Astra car was fined two times during year 2003, and the dates do not fit what the mother of Rosa Maria declared before Del Olmo.

In particular, an Opel Astra with plate M-4518-OZ was fined in the Campoamor street number 7 on July 12th 2003. And before that, it had already been fined in the Fuencarral street number 57 on February 6th of that same year.

If Jamal Ahmidan did not begin to use again the car until September 2003, according to the testimony of the mother of Rosa Maria; if before that the car was parked in the street, because neither she nor her daughters had driver's license, who was driving the car when it was fined in February and July 2003, at a time which, according to Rosa Maria and the official version, Jamal Ahmidan was imprisoned in Morocco?

The Prison term

In fact, as we already have published in Libertad Digital, the story on the supposed stay of Jamal Ahmidan in a jail in Morocco (that stay during which the man that was in principle a simple common delinquent, radicalized and ended up becoming an Islamic terrorist) cannot be true.

There is no official communication from Morocco that proves the stay of Jamal in jail and the fact is that Jamal Ahmidan, with the false identity of Said Tlidni, signed the renting contract of his home in the Villalobos street number 51 in 2001. So it is impossible that he was imprisoned in Morocco on that date. It could be, therefore, that the own Jamal Ahmidan was using the Opel Astra when it was fined, in February and July 2003, in two different streets from Madrid. But then, why did Rosa Maria declare that Jamal had been between the years 2000 and 2003 in a Moroccan jail? Why did the mother of Rosa Maria declare that Jamal had not returned to take over his car until September 2003?

Who was using the car?

Are we sure that it was Jamal Ahmidan the one who used that car? How do we know it? Why did Rosa Maria and her mother, whose contradictions are clear, declare that? Other testimonies exist that seem to corroborate that Jamal Ahmidan drove it, at least in the weeks immediately before to 3/11. As, for instance, the testimony of Otman the Gnaoui or Hamid Ahmidan, the cousin of Jamal. But what reliability do those testimonies have? Is there any other objective data that allows us to assure that the car was used by Jamal?

In the case of that Opel Astra property of the mother of Rosa Maria, we have the same bad luck that with the van of Alcala: inside the vehicle itself (steering wheel, handles of the doors, gearshift stick, dashboard) it appeared not even the slightest fingerprint nor DNA rests of Jamal Ahmidan, nor of any other member of the plot. Quite surprising fact, taking into account that the vehicle had been used during months. Did they not leave not even a small DNA rest in the steering wheel? No one of the persons that had traveled in the car smoked and left a butt in the ash tray? They shifted gears cleaning themselves the first sweat from their hands?

In the inspection of the car it did appear fingerprints, belonging to Jamal Ahmidan, to his cousin Hicham Ahmidan, to Abdenabi Kounjaa, to Saed the Harrak and to Spaniard called Jose Miguel L.P. (by the way, judge Del Olmo also refused to take testimony to that Spaniard whose fingerprints had appeared in the car). But all those fingerprints appeared in documents or movable objects (a box and a plastic bag). Not one of them appeared on the vehicle itself.

As far as the genetic analyses, the only rest of DNA that appeared (which belonged to Jamal Ahmidan) was found on a half liter bottle of mineral water Viladrau trademark, which we were told was underneath the driver’s seat.

It does not exist, therefore any irrefutable evidence, unfortunately, that Jamal Ahmidan or any other of the members of the plot drove that vehicle sometimes. Regarding the person who supposedly took that vehicle to Burgos to help the transport of the explosives during the weekend of February 28th, 2004, it appeared neither fingerprints nor rests of DNA, nor in the own vehicle, nor in any object contained in it.

Coda

The general feeling is that something is missing in this story. Perhaps that the things are, at least, rather more complicated than we were told.

Nobody needs, when a story is certain, to contradict himself as much, nor to omit so many data in the police information, nor to refuse to the practice of tests that the private accusations request.

It is impossible not to ask oneself if what has been tried it is to build an official scapegoat, Jamal Ahmidan, but omitting any detail which could make arise any contradiction in the story and carefully cutting all threads that could lead to uncomfortable paths. Just as it happens to the episode of the house of Morata de Tajuña, that was used to prop up the Islamic character of the attack, but carefully avoiding any investigation that could incriminate to the owner of that house, although he truly belonged to Al Qaeda.

Who put such persistence in drawing up around Jamal an authentic sanitary cord that excluded any possibility of throwing of the many, and interesting, loose ends that we glimpse? Where do those loose ends lead us?

As we will see in the following enigma, those loose ends that hang from the edges of the official picture of the alleged political family of Jamal take us further from which at first sight it could seem.

By Luis del Pino, recently published in his blog:

[…] In my opinion, the execution of the attack was perfect, work of professionals with military experience. The shoddy work begins afterwards, when the concealment dynamics start up and begin to act several uncoordinated groups, seeding each their own [fabricated] "evidence" in the rising [judicial] summary. Then it is when the chaos begins, until, many weeks after the attack, with the new government already in office, a “unified” official version is put in common, [whose pieces] do not fit even with hammer blows.

The joint of those different versions that finally come together grudgingly is, indeed, our friend from the snow, [Jamal Ahmidan, aka] El Chino. It is the vertex in which the different plots are made come together: the plot of the spies from Virgen del Coro [street], the plot of Asturian informers, the plot of the informers of the Madrilean night and the plot of drug traffickers of Malasaña. And it is for that reason, for being the forced vertex to “join” the different puzzles, that particular piece screeches so much.

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(You can read the first part of The Amazing Life and Death of Jamal Ahmidan here)

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More 3/11 here:
An introduction to the case: Spain’s “Terrorgate”? by Frank J. Gaffney Jr.
Search @ Freerep or just click on me

You may also watch the following videos in English:
Why are there no pictures of the 11-M attacks?
What explosive was used on the Madrid train bombings?
What kind of explosive devices were used in the 11-M bombings?

More data on 3/11 in Spanish here:
Luis del Pino's blog

[J Aguilar]

It is very interesting how the people infiltrated in the groups that are seeking the truth on 3/11 fall silent when you mention the political family of Jamal Ahmidan.

[J Aguilar]

The second part of a first part published long ago. I hope the last comments from Luis del Pino help putting the pieces in place.

[AliVeritas]

ping

[tanuki]

I don’t know what’s more frightening, that the authorities seem so ready to deceive or that the public is so ready to accept anything they are handed without further inquiry. The passivity of modern man in this so-called ‘information age’ is staggering.

[J Aguilar]

Passivity is enhanced in a Socialist economy, where economic activity is heavily conditioned by top figures in the administration.

It’s shameful.