Warning: Contains Graphic Language -- Not For the Faint of Heart
I. The Pro-Homosexual Agenda of the APA
The American Psychiatric Association is a leading private, clinical professional organization. Over the years, the APA increasingly has promoted greater acceptance of homosexuality. And now, some APA members are trying to outlaw counseling to homosexuals who desire to change their orientation. The APA’s pro-homosexual position is not shared by a large minority of its own members, and it offends many people of faith.
For example, APA member Dr. Roy H. Hart writes from a Jewish perspective that organized psychiatry does not choose to understand religion’s aversion to homosexuality: ‘‘Americans have the highest rate of church attendance and membership in the Christian world, but psychiatrists contribute little to those statistics. What is ego-alien for the psychiatrist -- religion -- is the center of existence for a vast segment of the population.’’ APA President John McIntyre tried to bridge the chasm with religion when, after a pilgrimage to the epicenter of Mormonism, Salt Lake City, he commented on the ‘‘improved dialogue between religion and psychiatry.’’ (Hart RH. ‘‘Psychiatry and Religion.’’ Psychiatric News, May 20, 1994, p. 16.)
The bridge McIntyre began to build in 1994 promptly began to crumble with the circulation of the January 1995 issue of the American Journal of Psychiatry, the APA’s official publication. That issue contains an article which adds salt to an old wound. (Jones FD & Koshes RJ. ‘‘Homosexuality and the Military.’’ American Journal of Psychiatry 1995, 152: 16-21.) The article is noteworthy for its poor review of research. Its quick initial turn-around, along with its array of revisions, suggests that the AJP editorial staff ignored normal review procedures in order to publish a politicized article.
The AJP article, ‘‘Homosexuality and the Military’’:
• Underwent an unusually rapid review process with multiple revisions.
• Misrepresents the history of the military's homosexual policy.
• Misrepresents the homosexual discharge history.
• Relies on debunked research.
• Relies on outdated polls.
• Ignores the law and favors Clinton's inconsistent policy.
• Distorts facts about allied military experiences.
• Falsely claims that most societies approve of homosexuality.
• Misrepresents the pathological implications of homosexuality.
• Claims that the presence of homosexuals in the military would not contribute to poor morale.
• Contends that homosexuals are not a security risk.
• Contends that homosexuals are not a special health risk.
• Claims that the public will soon favor homosexual military service.
• Contends that the ban is based solely on bad attitudes.
The authors take issue with an estimate that 4% of the population is exclusively homosexual and state, ‘‘Most authors feel this is too conservative and that about 7% to 10% are primarily homosexual in orientation. Kinsey et al. also found that 37% of males between childhood and old age had experienced homoerotic orgasm, and another 13% claimed to have had homoerotic stimulation without overt contact. If these epidemiological data are reliable, the policy of the Department of Defense would severely limit the induction and retention of service members ... strict adherence to the Kinsey data and the policy of the Department of Defense would result in the elimination of every other soldier (37% plus 13%) in today's military.’’ (Jones & Koshes, 1995, supra.)
A. Kinsey’s 10% Estimate Is Far Too High
Alfred C. Kinsey, an Indiana University zoologist, based his research on 12,000 interviews. Kinsey relied heavily on data gleaned from criminals and extrapolated his findings to the general population. It is worth noting that Kinsey himself was a homosexual involved in sadomasochistic sex. Psychologist Abraham Maslow also observed that Kinsey’s work, like all sex surveys, had a high margin of ‘‘volunteer’’ error because many people are not honest or willing to talk about their most intimate sexual secrets. (Kinsey AC, Pomeroy WB & Martin CE. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Philadelphia: WB Saunders, 1948, pp. 157-192, 667-678.)
No reputable survey has replicated Kinsey's findings, and a number of recent studies suggest that the homosexual population is considerably less than 10% of the US population. For example, a 1991 national survey of sexually active adults done by the National Opinion Research Center shows that 98.4% of adults were exclusively heterosexual. (Smith TW. ‘‘Adult Sexual Behavior in 1989.’’ Family Planning Perspectives 1991, 23: 104.) A 1993 survey by the Battelle Human Affairs Research Centers found that only 1.1% of all Americans are exclusively homosexual. (Rensberger B. "How Many Men in US Are Gay?’’ Washington Post, April 17, 1993, p. A-1.)
A survey conducted by the Alan Guttmacher Institute in 1993 found that 1% of men consider themselves exclusively homosexual. (Barringer F. ‘‘Sex Survey of American Men Finds 1% Are Gay.’’ New York Times, April 15, 1993, p. A-1.) And a 1994 National Health and Social Life Survey at the University of Chicago found that 2.8% of men and 1.4% of women identified themselves as homosexual or bisexual. (Vobejda B. ‘‘Survey Finds Most Adults Sexually Staid.’’ Washington Post, October 7, 1994, p. A-1.)
A March 1994 article in the American Journal of Psychiatry cites several surveys of American men showing the prevalence of homosexuality. For example, the National Survey of Men found that only 1.1% of men had been exclusively homosexual during the preceding ten years. Another study found that 2.4% of men are currently homosexual. (Cited by Seidman SN & Rieder RO. ‘‘A Review of Sexual Behavior in the United States.’’ American Journal of Psychiatry 1994, 151: 339.) Thus it appears that even the 4% figure, criticized in the 1995 AJP article for being too conservative, was in fact a bit too liberal.
B. ‘‘The Politics Of Diagnosis’’
The history of the APA’s decision to change its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) is worth examining. Homosexual activists used intimidation and deception to force the APA to remove homosexuality as a mental illness from the DSM of psychiatric disorders. For example, in 1970 homosexual activists contacted a prominent and highly-respected member of the APA Board of Trustees, and received a polite letter in return (on his letterhead and bearing his signature), declining to endorse their position. The activists then purchased the APA mailing list, used the letter as a guide to print up the board member's stationery, and forged his signature at the bottom of a letter fully endorsing the homosexual agenda, mailing it to every APA member. (Bayer R. Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis. New York: Basic Books, 1981.)
‘‘The result was not a conclusion based upon an approximation of the scientific truth as dictated by reason, but was instead an action demanded by the ideological temper of the times.’’ From 1969 to 1971, homosexual activists stormed the annual meetings of the APA, demanding the normalization of homosexual behavior. Scheduling the 1971 annual meeting in San Francisco was an invitation for disaster: homosexual activists invaded the meeting, screaming and kicking, throwing chairs, seizing microphones, and denouncing psychiatry as ‘‘the enemy incarnate.’’ (Ibid.)
The DSM was challenged at the 1973 meeting of the New England Psychiatric Society by homosexual activists. They recommended that the nomenclature’s section on ‘‘sexual deviation’’ be renamed "sexual dysfunction.’’ Later that year APA Trustees ruled that homosexuality would no longer be listed as a ‘‘mental disorder’’ in its official nomenclature of mental disorders, and recommended that it be replaced by the term ‘‘sexual orientation disturbance.’’ (Kuchta JC. ‘‘Psychiatry, Amendment 2 and Homosexuality,’’ Rocky Mountain GOLD, March 1993, p. 3.) It is worth noting that the vote of the rank-and-file membership was 54% to 46%; thus it is a slender majority, and there is a substantial minority of psychiatrists who yet believe that homosexuality is a mental illness.
The membership of the American Medical Association disagreed with the APA’s decision. A 1975 AMA membership survey found that 69% agreed that homosexuality is ‘‘pathological.’’ (Kuchta, 1993, supra.) Additionally, psychotherapists such as Elizabeth Moberly, Gerald van den Aardweg, Joseph Nicolosi, Charles Socarides, and Masters & Johnson have reported much success helping homosexuals to recover, thereby proving the point that it is curable. (Schwartz MF & Masters WH. ‘‘The Masters and Johnson Treatment Program for Dissatisfied Homosexual Men,’’ American Journal of Psychiatry 1984, 141: 173-181.)
Most modern societies consider homosexuality a mental illness. For example, a 1992 survey by the APA's Office of International Affairs in conjunction with the APA Committee of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Psychiatrists surveyed 125 psychiatric associations around the world. It found that all but three associations consider homosexuality a mental illness or a sexual deviation. American psychiatrists are joined only by their colleagues in Denmark and South Africa in their efforts to redefine homosexuality and protect the ‘‘right’’ of homosexual adults to conduct consensual sexual relations in private. (‘‘US Psychiatrists’ Views on Homosexuality Differ from Colleagues’ in Other Countries,’’ Psychiatric News, Vol. 28, No. 17, September 3, 1993.)
II. Promiscuity and the Risk of Disease
Homosexuals who participate in unsafe sex practices with multiple partners and without taking precautions are at great risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases. A survey by The Advocate, the leading homosexual publication in the US, found that 72% of homosexual respondents engage in insertive oral intercourse, 46% insertive anal intercourse, 45% receptive anal-oral sex, 48% in three-way sex, 24% in group sex (four or more), and 10% in sadomasochism. Most homosexuals in the survey admitted to having had more than 30 sex partners over their lifetime, and about a third (35%) report more than 100 partners. The survey also found that homosexual men use condoms only one time in four. (Lever J. ‘‘Sexual Revelations: The 1994 Advocate Survey of Sexuality and Relationships.’’ The Advocate, August 23, 1994, pp. 21-22.)
Heterosexuals have fewer sex partners than homosexuals. A 1988-1990 General Social Survey found that 91% of men 25-29 years of age are heterosexually active. Nineteen percent of these men have had only one lifetime sex partner, 55% have had two to 19 lifetime partners, and 25% have had 20 or more lifetime partners. (Cited by Seidman SN & Rieder RO. ‘‘A Review of Sexual Behavior in the United States.’’ American Journal of Psychiatry, 1994, 151: 335.)
The University of Chicago published a national sex survey in October, 1994, which found that 20% of men have had only one sex partner in their lifetime, 21% have had two to four partners, 17% had five to ten partners, 16% had 11 to 20, and 17% report having had 21 or more sex partners. (Elmer-Dewitt P. ‘‘Now for the Truth About Americans and Sex.’’ Time, October 17, 1994, p. 64.) However, that survey excluded men over 59, who constitute one-sixth of the population and who typically have more conservative sex lives. Thus the real figures probably are even lower for the population of all men. (‘‘New Sex Survey: Dishonest Science.’’ Family Research Report, November-December 1994.)
III. Homosexuality and Mental Illness
Besides homosexuals’ preoccupation with sex, traditionalist psychiatrists have catalogued a higher incidence of personality characteristics suggesting psychological disturbance and an inability to interact successfully with others. Dr. Edmond Bergler, who treated over a thousand homosexuals, concluded that homosexuals tended to: provoke attacks against themselves and then count these ‘‘attacks’’ as injustices they had suffered, display defensive malice toward others, exhibit a flippant attitude in order to cover underlying depression and guilt, display extreme narcissism and superciliousness, refuse to acknowledge accepted standards in non-sexual matters (on the assumption that the right to cut moral corners is due homosexuals as compensation for their ‘‘suffering’’) and ‘‘be generally unreliable, also of a more or less psychopathic nature.’’ (Bergler E. Homosexuality: Disease or Way of Life? New York: MacMillan, 1956.)
Dr. Irving Bieber, who performed one of the largest and most intensive psychiatric studies of homosexuals, characterized gays as ‘‘angry, bitter people with low feelings of responsibility.’’ (Bieber I. Homosexuality: A Psychoanalytic Study. New York: Basic Books, 1962.) And Dr. Charles Socarides has emphasized the similarity of the obsessive-compulsive nature of homosexual sex acts to a drug ‘‘fix.’’ (Socarides CW. ‘‘Homosexuality and the Medical Model.’’ Phenomenology and Treatment of Psychosexual Disorder. New York: SP Medical & Scientific Books, 1983, p. 40.)
Becoming a homosexual involves a tremendous amount of reverse socialization. Almost every child is taught to avoid feces. Potty training explicitly teaches one to regard feces as ‘‘dirty,’’ disgusting, and unhealthy. Yet most homosexuals eventually learn to immerse themselves in feces. Past surveys suggest the following typical sequential development of homosexual activity. The median age for homosexuals when their genitals are first manipulated by another male is 13. In about two more years the anus is first used for sex rather than biological relief; and in another year or two the anus is licked for ‘‘sexual fun.’’ By age 21 most homosexuals ‘‘have come a long way.’’ They have learned to seek and enjoy activities that would have sickened them as children. Some go on to ‘‘bigger thrills’’ like sadomasochism, ‘‘fisting’’ (where the fist is placed up the rectum), eating feces or drinking urine. (Gebhard PH & Johnson AB. The Kinsey Data. New York: Saunders, 1979. Bell AP & Weinberg MS. Homosexualities. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978.)
Medically speaking, it doesn’t matter whether you pursue such activity for ‘‘fun’’ or ingest waste because your salad wasn’t washed -- exposure to feces is unhealthy. Psychologically, to undo the hygienic training of childhood in pursuit of adult sexual pleasure literally ‘‘turns all the rules upside down.’’ Given the biologically and psychologically unhealthful nature of such activity, it is not surprising that the younger a person ‘‘locks into’’ a homosexual identity, the more disturbed he is apt to be.
Remafedi performed two studies of ‘‘gay youth.’’ A 1987 study of 29 such youngsters led him to conclude that the ‘‘very experience of acquiring a homosexual or bisexual identity at an early age places the individual at risk for dysfunction. This conclusion is strongly supported by the data.’’ (Remafedi G. ‘‘Adolescent Homosexuality: Psychosocial and Medical Implications.’’ Pediatrics 1987, 79: 331-337.) His 1991 study of 137 homosexual and bisexual youth aged 14 to 21 reinforced his previous finding: ‘‘For each year’s delay in bisexual or homosexual self-labeling, the odds of a suicide attempt diminished by 80%. These findings support a previously observed, inverse relationship between psychosocial problems and the age of acquiring a homosexual identity.’’ (Remafedi G et al. ‘‘Risk Factors for Attempted Suicide in Gay and Bisexual Youth.’’ Pediatrics 1991, 87: 869-875.)
A. Social Disruption
Over the past 50 years, four studies have compared substantial numbers of homosexuals and heterosexuals -- all generated results suggesting greater social disruption by homosexuals. In the Kinsey survey, general prison inmates (excluding those incarcerated for sexual offenses) were over four times more likely to have extensive homosexual experience than his control group. (Gebhard PH et al. Sex Offenders. New York: Harper & Row, 1965.) Saghir & Robins compared 146 homosexuals with 78 heterosexuals and reported less stability (more lovers, more job-changing) and more criminality among homosexuals. (Saghir MT & Robins E. Male and Female Homosexuality. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1973.) Bell & Weinberg contrasted 979 homosexuals with 477 heterosexuals and found more instability (psychiatric, marital) and more criminality among homosexuals. (Bell & Weinberg, 1978, supra.)
These results echo the largest comparative study of homosexual and heterosexual couples, which reported that the average length of time together averaged about three years for male homosexual and lesbian couples vs. ten years for married heterosexuals. (Blumstein P & Schwartz P. American Couples. New York: Morrow, 1983.) Also, ‘‘cheating’’ was inevitable: ‘‘all [homosexual] couples with a relationship lasting more than five years have incorporated some provision for outside sexual activity.’’ (McWhirter DP & Mattison AM. The Male Couple. North Brunswick, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1984.)
B. Does Societal Acceptance Make a Difference?
• Fecal exposure: In the 1940s, Kinsey reported that about two-thirds of male homosexuals had engaged in anal/penile contact, and 59% of male homosexuals and 18% of lesbians had participated in oral/anal activity (where the tongue is put in the anus). In the 1950s and '60s, San Francisco decriminalized and then accepted homosexuality. When the Kinsey Institute did a survey there in 1970, 96% of male homosexuals admitted to anal/penile contact, and 89% of the male homosexuals and 25% of the lesbians to oral/anal activity. (Gebhard & Johnson, 1979, supra.) Lifting the restraints upon homosexual activity appears to have increased the exposure to biological danger among those with homosexual desires.
• Promiscuity: In the 1940s, 7% of male homosexuals and 63% of lesbians said that they had never had a ‘‘one night stand,’’ while 42% of the male homosexuals and 7% of the lesbians said that ‘‘over half of their partners had been ‘one night stands.’ ’’ By 1970 only 1% of male homosexuals and 38% of lesbians said that they had never had a ‘‘one night stand,’’ and 70% of male homosexuals and 29% of lesbians reported that they had had sex only once with over half of their partners. (Ibid.)
• Acceptance did not necessarily make homosexuals’ lives better: 35% of male homosexuals (vs. 11% of heterosexual men) and 37% of lesbians (vs. 24% of heterosexual women) had either seriously considered or attempted suicide. Of homosexuals who had attempted suicide, the most frequent reason -- which accounted for 47% of all attempts -- was disagreements with a lover. (Bell & Weinberg, 1978, supra.) Further, although these ‘‘liberated gays’’ reported many more lifetime sexual partners than the homosexuals interviewed in the 1940s (a median of 250+ compared to a median of 20), twice as many homosexuals as heterosexuals (15.6% v. 8.4%) reported having ‘‘often’’ felt ‘‘very lonely’’ in the past month. (Ibid.)
This pattern of ‘‘liberation and acceptance’’ leading to greater excesses was echoed in the results of a 1991 survey by the San Francisco Dept. of Public Health on the sexual risk-taking of young homosexual men. As the Los Angeles Times reported, each succeeding generation ‘‘is behaving more dangerously than the one before.’’ (Omaha World-Herald, August 4, 1993, p. 24.)
C. Impermanency
A recent Oxford University study has revealed that 20-year-old homosexual males have a life expectancy eight to 20 years shorter than 20-year-old heterosexual males. (Hogg RS et al. ‘‘Modelling the Impact of HIV Disease on Mortality In Gay and Bisexual Men.’’ International Journal of Epidemiology 1997, 26: 657-661.) The homosexual lifestyle is strikingly impermanent. Homosexuals are acutely aware that while their sexual desires will continue, few will be sexually interested in them after their 30th birthday. Good health is frequently interrupted by bouts with alcoholism and STDs -- and because their lifespan is so short (the median age of death for homosexuals and lesbians is in the mid-40s while for married heterosexuals it is in the 70s), associates frequently die. Unlike the relatively permanent satisfactions and attachments of marriage and parenthood, those associated with homosexuality are fleeting.
It is far from surprising that half of homosexuals expressed regret about their homosexuality, that almost half exhibited clinical symptoms of depression (Bell & Weinberg, 1978, supra), or that although some homosexuals would advise adolescents who were just beginning homosexual activity to continue, four times as many would advise them to stop. (Gebhard & Johnson, 1979, supra.) The ‘‘gay life’’ is short, lonely and filled with cheating, insecurity, disease and danger. Although held captive by sexual addiction rather than bricks and bars, homosexuals exhibit many of the same psychological traits as those imprisoned in death camps. The pathologies of homosexuals fit the traditional social-psychiatric view: Happiness and well-being are earned through social and sexual productivity, not ‘‘sexual freedom.’’
IV. Homosexuals Are More Likely to Molest Children
Since there are so many more heterosexuals than homosexuals, which kind of child molestation -- homosexual or heterosexual -- is proportionately more common? Three kinds of scientific evidence point to the proportion of homosexual molestation: (1) survey reports of molestation in the general population, (2) surveys of those caught and convicted of molestation, and (3) what homosexuals themselves have reported. These three lines of evidence suggest that the 1%-to-3% of adults who practice homosexuality account for between one-fifth and one-third of all child molestation.
The Los Angeles Times surveyed 2,628 adults across the US in 1985. In the survey, 27% of the women and 16% of the men claimed to have been sexually molested during childhood. Since 7% of the molestations of girls and 93% of the molestations of boys were by adults of the same sex, about 40% of the molestations in this survey were homosexual. (Los Angeles Times, August 25-26, 1985.) In a random survey of British 15- to 19-year-olds, 35% of the boys and 9% of the girls claimed to have been approached for sex by adult homosexuals, and 2% of the boys and 1% of the girls admitted to succumbing. (Schofield M. The Sexual Behaviour of Young People. Boston: Little, Brown, 1965.)
Evidence showing that pedophilia is in fact a common part of the homosexual lifestyle is staggering. Ironically, much of it comes from homosexuals themselves. In The Gay Report, for instance, a survey of ‘‘gay’’ attitudes and behavior by homosexual researchers Jay and Young, revealed data showing that 73% of homosexuals surveyed had at some time had sex with boys 16 to 19 years of age or younger. (Jay K & Young A. The Gay Report. New York: Summit, 1979.)
Faced with these statistics, homosexual activists are now trying to deflect the discussion by claiming that male molesters of boys should not be considered homosexuals at all. But a recent study of Canadians imprisoned for pedophilia reveals the truth: (1) 30% of the offenders studied admitted to having engaged in homosexual acts as adults, and (2) 91% of molesters of non-familial boys admitted to no lifetime sexual contact other than homosexual. In other words, their sexual orientation was clearly homosexual. (Marshall WL et al. ‘‘Early Onset and Deviant Sexuality in Child Molesters.’’ Journal of Interpersonal Violence 1991, 6: 323-336.)
In a desperate attempt to counter these numbers, many homosexual proponents claim that homosexuals are less of a threat to the innocence of the young than heterosexuals, because ‘‘heterosexuals commit a majority of child molestations.’’ The advocates conveniently fail to mention that since heterosexuals make up about 98% of the population, it would be incredibly surprising if they did not commit a majority of child molestations. What is extraordinary is the disproportionate amount of child molestation committed by homosexuals, relative to their presence in the general population.
A. Surveys of Those Convicted
Drs. Freund and Heasman of the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto reviewed two sizeable studies and calculated that 34% and 32% of the offenders against children were homosexual. In cases they had personally handled, homosexuals accounted for 36% of their 457 pedophiles. (Freund K et al. ‘‘Pedophilia and Heterosexuality vs. Homosexuality.’’ Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 1984, 10: 193-200.)
Dr. Adrian Copeland, a psychiatrist who works with sexual offenders at the Peters Institute in Philadelphia, said that, from his experience, pedophiles tend to be homosexual and ‘‘40% to 45%’’ of child molesters have had ‘‘significant homosexual experiences.’’ (Quoted by A Bass, Boston Globe, August 8, 1988.) A state-wide survey of 161 Vermont adolescents who committed sex offenses in 1984 found that 35 (22%) were homosexual. (Wassermann J et al. ‘‘Adolescent Sex Offenders -- Vermont, 1984.’’ Journal of the American Medical Ass’n 1986, 255: 181-2.)
Of the 91 molesters of non-related children at Canada’s Kingston Sexual Behaviour Clinic from 1978-1984, 38 (42%) engaged in homosexuality. (Marshall WL et al. ‘‘Early Onset and Deviant Sexuality in Child Molesters.’’ Journal of Interpersonal Violence 1991, 6: 323-336.) Of 52 child molesters in Ottawa from 1983 to 1985, 31 (60%) were homosexual. (Bradford JMW et al. ‘‘The Heterogeneity/Homogeneity of Pedophilia.’’ Psychiatric Journal of the University of Ottawa 1988, 13: 217-226.)
Because of this pattern, Judge J.T. Rees concluded that ‘‘the male homosexual naturally seeks the company of the male adolescent, or of the young male adult, in preference to that of the fully-grown man. [In 1947] 986 persons were convicted of homosexual and unnatural offenses. Of those, 257 were indictable offenses involving 402 male victims.’’ The great majority of victims were under the age of 16. Only 11% were over 21. ‘‘[T]he problem of male homosexuality is in essence the problem of the corruption of youth by itself [i.e., by other boys] and by its elders. [And thereby] ... the creation ... of new addicts ready to corrupt a still further generation of young men and boys in the future.’’ (Rees JT & Urill HV. They Stand Apart. New York: MacMillan, 1956.)
B. What Homosexuals Admit
The 1948 Kinsey survey found that 37% of male homosexuals and 2% of lesbians admitted to sexual relations with under-17-year-olds, and 28% of male homosexuals and 1% of lesbians admitted to sexual relations with under-16-year-olds while they themselves were aged 18 or older. (Gebhard & Johnson, 1979, supra.) In 1970, the Kinsey Institute interviewed 565 white male homosexuals in San Francisco: 25% of them admitted to having had sex with boys aged 16 or younger while they themselves were at least 21. (Bell & Weinberg, 1978, supra.)
In another survey, 23% of male homosexuals and 6% of lesbians admitted to sexual interaction with youth less than 16 years of age. (Jay & Young, 1979, supra.) In France, 129 convicted male homosexuals (average age 34 years) said they had had sexual contact with a total of 11,007 boys (an average of 85 different boys per man). (O'Carroll T. Pedophilia: The Radical Case. Boston: Alyson, 1982.) Abel et al. reported similarly that men who molested girls outside their family had averaged 20 victims each; those who molested boys averaged 150 victims each. (Abel GG et al. ‘‘Self-Reported Sex Crimes of Non-Incarcerated Paraphiliacs.’’ Journal of Interpersonal Violence 1987, 2: 3-25.)
C. Child Molesting By Homosexual Teachers
Nowadays parents are labeled bigots for fearing that homosexual teachers might molest their children. But if homosexuals are more likely to molest children and are in a position to take advantage of them, this fear makes sense. Indeed, accounts of disproportionate homosexual teacher molestation appear throughout the scientific literature.
The original Kinsey study reported that 4% of non-criminal white male homosexuals and 7% of non-criminal white lesbians reported that they had their first homosexual experience with a ‘‘teacher or other caretaker.’’ None of the heterosexuals were recorded as having a teacher as their first sex partner. (Gebhard & Johnson, 1979, supra.)
I did read it: Bryan makes a mean fruit-salad, but as a researcher he leaves a lot to be desired.What I mean by that is that he compares apples to oranges to grapes to nuts, and I think there's a few carrots tossed in the mix, too.
To start with, he spends an entire section disproving Kinsey's 10% rate of homosexuality. Two problems with that: first, he references that same study, or examinations of that study, no less than 5 times as proof of how degenerate homosexuals are, and second, Kinsey didn't say 10% of the population is homosexual. Kinsey said 4% of the population is exclusively homosexual throughout their lives beginning in adolescence, 8% are exclusively homosexual for at least 3 years between the ages of 16 and 55, 10% are more or less homosexual for at least 3 years between ages 16 and 55.
He also notes in disproving Kinsey Maslow's observation that people tend to lie or withhold intimate sexual secrets -- I guess he felt that some portion of heterosexuals would claim to be homosexual, thus skewing the percentages higher? Feel free to disagree, but it's my feeling that if people are going to lie or withhold sexual secrets, it's going to be in favor of the societal norms, not the opposite. But then, Bryan doesn't bother to take into account Maslow's observation as it would apply to the surveys that say what Bryan likes -- anywhere from 1.1 to 2.8% of American males claim to be exclusively homosexual, and by god, that's rock-solid TRVTH.
Which brings up another point. "Exclusively" homosexual. He muddies the water of what is and what isn't a "homosexual". Dr. Adrian Copeland reported that 40-45% of child molestors have had "significant homosexual experiences" -- that's not "exclusively" homosexual. The Canadian study states 42% "engaged in homosexuality" -- that's not "exclusively" homosexual, either. Even Kinsey's study reported 37% had "at least some overt homosexual experience", but noone has ever claimed that 37% of the population is homosexual because of it -- yet Bryan wishes us to think that "significant homosexual experiences" and "engag(ing) in homosexuality" equals "homosexuals". (I'm purposely ignoring those where he stated some percentage were "homosexual" as it's impossible to know if that's Bryan's statement or what the individual's admitted.)
Jumping down a ways to another fun one, Murder and Mass Murder. (I have no intention of going point by point through this mess, nor of continuing beyond this post -- either you'll understand, or you won't and never will).
John Wayne Gacy killed 33 men and boys. Bryan calls him "a homosexual", which given the events, that may or may not be true. However, he was married twice and had children; on Bryan's surveys and on Kinsey's, Maslow's observation would have been in effect: he never admitted to being homosexual, even in numerous confessions while in prison. He's not part of the 1-3 or 4% -- he's part of the heterosexual numbers because that's where he would have placed himself. And again with the murders, we run into the difference between "exclusively" homosexual and "bisexual" and "practiced homosexuality" and "enaged in homosexuality". Bryan's numbers don't even included "bisexuality". We run into what they were convicted of vs. what they admitted to, and Bryan's rate of homosexuality numbers rely solely on what people were willing to admit.
In conclusion, "homosexual acts" do not equal "admitted being exclusively homosexual" by any stretch of the imagination. Yes, Bryan looked up and found what he was looking for to suit an agenda, but the word-play, twisted definitions, and number-crunching doesn't stand up to any sort of objective examination.