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Why Arabs Lose Wars
de Atkine ^ | December 1999 | Norvell B. De Atkine, U.S Army (Ret.)

Posted on 12/24/2004 2:25:20 PM PST by John Jorsett

The author, a retired U.S. Army colonel, draws upon many years of firsthand observation of Arabs in training to reach conclusions about the ways in which they go into combat. His findings derive from personal experience with Arab military establishments in the capacity of U.S. military attache and security assistance officer, observer officer with the British-officered Trucial Oman Scouts (the security force in the emirates prior to the establishment of the UAE), as well as some thirty years of study of the Middle East.~ Ed.

ARABIC-SPEAKING ARMIES have been generally ineffective in the modern era. Egyptian regular forces did poorly against Yemeni irregulars in the 1960s. Syrians could only impose their will in Lebanon during the mid-1970s by the use of overwhelming weaponry and numbers. Iraqis showed ineptness against an Iranian military ripped apart by revolutionary turmoil in the 1980s and could not win a three-decades-long war against the Kurds. The Arab military performance on both sides of the 1990 Kuwait war was mediocre. And the Arabs have done poorly in nearly all the military confrontations with Israel. Why this unimpressive record? There are many factors — economic, ideological, technical — but perhaps the most important has to do with culture and certain societal attributes which inhibit Arabs from producing an effective military force.

False starts

Including culture in strategic assessments has a poor legacy, for it has often been spun from an ugly brew of ignorance, wishful thinking, and mythology. Thus, the U.S. Army in the 1930s evaluated the Japanese national character as lacking originality and drew the unwarranted conclusion that that country would be permanently disadvantaged in technology. Hitler dismissed the United States as a mongrel society and consequently underestimated the impact of America’s entry into the war. American strategists assumed that the pain threshold of the North Vietnamese approximated our own and that the air bombardment of the North would bring it to its knees. Three days of aerial attacks were thought to be all the Serbs could withstand; in fact, seventy-eight days were needed.

As these examples suggest, when culture is considered in calculating the relative strengths and weaknesses of opposing forces, it tends to lead to wild distortions, especially when it is a matter of understanding why states unprepared for war enter into combat flushed with confidence. The temptation is to impute cultural attributes to the enemy state that negate its superior numbers or weaponry. Or the opposite: to view the potential enemy through the prism of one’s own cultural norms.

It is particularly dangerous to make facile assumptions about abilities in warfare based on past performance, for societies evolve and so does the military subculture with it. The dismal French performance in the 1870 Franco-Prussian war led the German high command to an overly optimistic assessment prior to World War I. Then tenacity and courage of French soldiers in World War I lead everyone from Winston Churchill to the German high command vastly to overestimate the French army’s fighting abilities. Israeli generals underestimated the Egyptian army of 1973 based on Egypt’s hapless performance in the 1967 war.

Culture is difficult to pin down. It is not synonymous with an individual’s race nor ethnic identity. The history of warfare makes a mockery of attempts to assign rigid cultural attributes to individuals — as the military histories of the Ottoman and Roman empires illustrate. In both cases it was training, discipline, esprit, and élan which made the difference, not the individual soldiers’ origin. The highly disciplined and effective Roman legions, for example, recruited from throughout the Roman Empire, and the elite Ottoman Janissaries (slave soldiers) were Christians forcibly recruited as boys from the Balkans.

The role of culture

These problems notwithstanding, culture does need to be taken into account. Indeed, awareness of prior mistakes should make it possible to assess the role of cultural factors in warfare. John Keegan, the eminent historian of warfare, argues that culture is a prime determinant of the nature of warfare. In contrast to the usual manner of European warfare, which he terms “face to face,” Keegan depicts the early Arab armies in the Islamic era as masters of evasion, delay, and indirection. Examining Arab warfare in this century leads to the conclusion that the Arabs remain more successful in insurgent, or political, warfare — what T. E. Lawrence termed “winning wars without battles.” Even the much-lauded Egyptian crossing of the Suez in 1973 at its core entailed a masterful deception plan. It may well be that these seemingly permanent attributes result from a culture that engenders subtlety, indirection, and dissimulation in personal relationships.

Along these lines, Kenneth Pollock concludes his exhaustive study of Arab military effectiveness by noting that “certain patterns of behavior fostered by the dominant Arab culture were the most important factors contributing to the limited military effectiveness of Arab armies and air forces from 1945 to 1991.” These attributes included over-centralization, discouraging initiative, lack of flexibility, manipulation of information, and the discouragement of leadership at the junior officer level. The barrage of criticism leveled at Samuel Huntington’s notion of a “clash of civilizations” in no way lessens the vital point he made — that however much the grouping of peoples by religion and culture rather than political or economic divisions offends academics who propound a world defined by class, race, and gender, it is a reality, one not diminished by modern communications.

But how does one integrate the study of culture into military training? At present, it has hardly any role. Paul M. Belbutowski, a scholar and former member of the U.S. Delta Force, succinctly stated a deficiency in our own military education system: “Culture, comprised of all that is vague and intangible, is not generally integrated into strategic planning except at the most superficial level.” And yet it is precisely “all that is vague and intangible” that defines low-intensity conflicts. The Vietnamese communists did not fight the war the United States had trained for, nor did the Chechens and Afghans fight the war the Russians prepared for. This entails far more than simply retooling weaponry and retraining soldiers. It requires an understanding of the cultural mythology, history, attitude toward time, etc.; and it demands a more substantial investment in time and money than a bureaucratic organization is likely to authorize.

Mindful of walking through a minefield of past errors and present cultural sensibilities, I offer some assessments of the role of culture in the military training of Arabic-speaking officers. I confine myself principally to training for two reasons:

     • First, I observed much training but only one combat campaign (the Jordanian Army against the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1970).

     • Secondly, armies fight as they train. Troops are conditioned by peacetime habits, policies, and procedures; they do not undergo a sudden metamorphosis that transforms civilians in uniform into warriors. General George Patton was fond of relating the story about Julius Caesar, who “in the winter time. . . so trained his legions in all that became soldiers and so habituated them to the proper performance of their duties, that when in the spring he committed them to battle against the Gauls, it was not necessary to give them orders, for they knew what to do and how to do it.” 

Information as power

In every society information is a means of making a living or wielding power, but Arabs husband information and hold it especially tightly. U.S. trainers have often been surprised over the years by the fact that information provided to key personnel does not get much further than them. Having learned to perform some complicated procedure, an Arab technician knows that he is invaluable so long as he is the only one in a unit to have that knowledge; once he dispenses it to others he no longer is the only font of knowledge and his power dissipates. This explains the commonplace hoarding of manuals, books, training pamphlets, and other training or logistics literature.

On one occasion, an American mobile training team working with armor in Egypt at long last received the operators’ manuals that had laboriously been translated into Arabic. The American trainers took the newly minted manuals straight to the tank park and distributed them to the tank crews. Right behind them, the company commander, a graduate of the armor school at Fort Knox and specialized courses at the Aberdeen Proving Grounds ordnance school, promptly collected the manuals from those crews. Questioned why he did this, the commander said that there was no point in giving them to the drivers because enlisted men could not read. In point of fact, he did not want enlisted men to have an independent source of knowledge. Being the only person who could explain the fire control instrumentation or bore sight artillery weapons brought prestige and attention.

In military terms this means that very little cross-training is accomplished and that, for instance in a tank crew, the gunners, loaders and drivers might be proficient in their jobs but are not prepared to fill in should one become a casualty. Not understanding one another’s jobs also inhibits a smoothly functioning crew. At a higher level it means that there is no depth in technical proficiency.
 

Education Problems

Training tends to be unimaginative, cut and dried, and not challenging. Because the Arab educational system is predicated on rote memorization, officers have a phenomenal ability to commit vast amounts of knowledge to memory. The learning system tends to consist of on-high lectures, with students taking voluminous notes and being examined on what they were told. (It also has interesting implications for a foreign instructor, whose credibility, for example, is diminished if he must resort to a book.) The emphasis on memorization has a price, and that is in diminished ability to reason or engage in analysis based upon general principles. Thinking outside the box is not encouraged; doing so in public can damage a career. Instructors are not challenged and neither, in the end, are students.

Head-to-head competition among individuals is generally avoided, at least openly, for it means that someone wins and someone else loses, with the loser humiliated. This taboo has particular import when a class contains mixed ranks. Education is in good part sought as a matter of personal prestige, so Arabs in U.S. military schools take pains to ensure that the ranking member, according to military position or social class, scores the highest marks in the class. Often this leads to “sharing answers” in class — often in a rather overt manner or in junior officers concealing scores higher than those of their superiors.

American military instructors dealing with Middle Eastern students learn to ensure that, before directing any question to a student in a classroom situation, particularly if he is an officer, the student does possess the correct answer. If this is not assured, the officer may feel he has been deliberately set up for public humiliation. In the often-paranoid environment of Arab political culture, he may then become an enemy of the instructor, and his classmates will become apprehensive about their also being singled out for humiliation — and learning becomes impossible.
 

Officers vs. soldiers

Arab junior officers are well trained on the technical aspects of their weapons and tactical know-how, but not in leadership, a subject given little attention. For example, as General Sa`d ash-Shazli, the Egyptian chief of staff, noted in his assessment of the army he inherited prior to the 1973 war, they were not trained to seize the initiative or volunteer original concepts or new ideas. Indeed, leadership may be the greatest weakness of Arab training systems. This problem results from two main factors: a highly accentuated class system bordering on a caste system, and lack of a non-commissioned-officer development program.

Most Arab armies treat enlisted soldiers like sub-humans. When the winds in Egypt one day carried biting sand particles from the desert during a demonstration for visiting U.S. dignitaries, I watched as a contingent of soldiers marched in and formed a single rank to shield the Americans; Egyptian soldiers, in other words, are used on occasion as nothing more than a windbreak. The idea of taking care of one’s men is found only among the most elite units in the Egyptian military. On a typical weekend, officers in units stationed outside Cairo will get in their cars and drive off to their homes, leaving the enlisted men to fend for themselves by trekking across the desert to a highway and flag down busses or trucks to get to the Cairo rail system. Garrison cantonments have no amenities for soldiers. The same situation, in various degrees, exists elsewhere in the Arabic-speaking countries — less so in Jordan, even more so in Iraq and Syria. The young draftees who make up the vast bulk of the Egyptian army hate military service for good reason and will do almost anything, including self-mutilation, to avoid it. In Syria the wealthy buy exemptions or, failing that, are assigned to noncombatant organizations. As a young Syrian told me, his musical skills came from his assignment to a Syrian army band where he learned to play an instrument. In general, the militaries of the Fertile Crescent enforce discipline by fear; in countries where a tribal system still is in force, such as Saudi Arabia, the innate egalitarianism of the society mitigates against fear as the prime mover, so a general lack of discipline pervades.

The social and professional gap between officers and enlisted men is present in all armies, but in the United States and other Western forces, the non-commissioned officer (NCO) corps bridges it. Indeed, a professional NCO corps has been critical for the American military to work at its best; as the primary trainers in a professional army, NCOs are critical to training programs and to the enlisted men’s sense of unit esprit. Most of the Arab world either has no NCO corps or it is non-functional, severely handicapping the military’s effectiveness. With some exceptions, NCOs are considered in the same low category as enlisted men and so do not serve as a bridge between enlisted men and officers. Officers instruct but the wide social gap between enlisted man and officer tends to make the learning process perfunctory, formalized, and ineffective. The show-and-tell aspects of training are frequently missing because officers refuse to get their hands dirty and prefer to ignore the more practical aspects of their subject matter, believing this below their social station. A dramatic example of this occurred during the Gulf War when a severe windstorm blew down the tents of Iraqi officer prisoners of war. For three days they stayed in the wind and rain rather than be observed by enlisted prisoners in a nearby camp working with their hands.

The military price for this is very great. Without the cohesion supplied by NCOs, units tend to disintegrate in the stress of combat. This is primarily a function of the fact that the enlisted soldiers simply do not have trust in their officers. Once officers depart the training areas, training begins to fall apart as soldiers begin drifting off. An Egyptian officer once explained to me that the Egyptian army’s catastrophic defeat in 1967 resulted from of a lack of cohesion within units. The situation, he said, had only marginally improved in 1973. Iraqi prisoners in 1991 showed a remarkable fear of and enmity toward their officers.

Decision-making and responsibility

Decisions are highly centralized, made at a very high level and rarely delegated. Rarely does an officer make a critical decision on his own; instead, he prefers the safe course of being identified as industrious, intelligent, loyal — and compliant. Bringing attention to oneself as an innovator or someone prone to making unilateral decisions is a recipe for trouble. As in civilian life, conforming is the overwhelming societal norm; the nail that stands up gets hammered down. Decisions are made and delivered from on high, with very little lateral communication. Orders and information flow from top to bottom; they are not to be reinterpreted, amended, or modified in any way.

U.S. trainers often experience frustration obtaining a decision from a counterpart, not realizing that the Arab officer lacks the authority to make the decision — a frustration amplified by the Arab’s understandable reluctance to admit that he lacks that authority. This author has several times seen decisions that could have been made at the battalion level concerning such matters as class meeting times and locations referred for approval to the ministry of defense. All of which has led American trainers to develop a rule of thumb: a sergeant first class in the U.S. Army has as much authority as a colonel in an Arab army.

Methods of instruction and subject matter are dictated by higher authorities. Unit commanders have very little to say about these affairs. The politicized nature of the Arab militaries means that political factors weigh heavily and frequently override military considerations. Officers with initiative and a predilection for unilateral action pose a threat to the regime. This can be seen not just at the level of national strategy but in every aspect of military operations and training. If Arab militaries became less politicized and more professional in preparation for the 1973 war with Israel, once the fighting ended, old habits returned. Now, an increasingly bureaucratized military establishment weighs in as well. A veteran of the Pentagon turf wars will feel like a kindergartner when he encounters the rivalries that exist in the Arab military headquarters.

Taking responsibility for a policy, operation, status, or training program rarely occurs. U.S. trainers can find it very frustrating when they repeatedly encounter Arab officers placing blame for unsuccessful operations or programs on the U.S. equipment or some other outside source. A high rate of non-operational U.S. equipment is blamed on a “lack of spare parts” — pointing a finger at an unresponsive U.S. supply system despite the fact that American trainers can document ample supplies arriving in country and disappearing in a moribund supply system. (It should be added, and is important to do so, that this criticism was never caustic or personal and was often so indirect and politely delivered that it wasn’t until after a meeting that oblique references were understood.) This imperative works even at the most exalted levels. During the Kuwait war, Iraqi forces took over the town of Khafji in northeast Saudi Arabia after the Saudis had evacuated the place. General Khalid bin Sultan, the Saudi ground forces commander, requested a letter from General Norman Schwarzkopf, stating it was the U.S. general who ordered an evacuation from the Saudi town. And in his account of the Khafji battle, General Bin Sultan predictably blames the Americans for the Iraqi occupation of the town. In reality the problem was that the light Saudi forces in the area left the battlefield. The Saudis were in fact outgunned and outnumbered by the Iraqi unit approaching Khafji but Saudi pride required that foreigners be blamed.

As for equipment, a vast cultural gap exists between the U.S. and Arab maintenance and logistics systems. The Arab difficulties with U.S. equipment is not, as sometimes simplistically believed, a matter of “Arabs don’t do maintenance,” but a vast cultural gap. The American concept of a weapons system does not convey easily. A weapons system brings with it specific maintenance and logistics procedures, policies, and even a philosophy, all of them based on U.S. culture, with its expectations of a certain educational level, sense of small unit responsibility, tool allocation, and doctrine. The U.S. equipment and its maintenance are predicated on a concept of repair at the lowest level and therefore require delegation of authority. Tools that would be allocated to a U.S. battalion (a unit of some 600-800 personnel) would most likely be found at a much higher level — probably two or three echelons higher — in an Arab army. The expertise, initiative and, most importantly, the trust indicated by delegation of responsibility to a lower level are rare. Without the needed tools, spare parts, or expertise available to keep equipment running, and loathe to report bad news to his superiors, the unit commander looks for scapegoats.

All this explains why I many times heard in Egypt that U.S. weaponry is “too delicate.” I have observed many in-country U.S. survey teams: invariably, hosts make the case for acquiring the most modern of military hardware and do everything to avoid issues of maintenance, logistics, and training. They obfuscate and mislead to such an extent that U.S. teams, no matter how earnest their sense of mission, find it nearly impossible to help. More generally, Arab reluctance to be candid about training deficiencies makes it extremely difficult for foreign advisors properly to support instruction or assess training needs.
 

Combined arms operations

A lack of cooperation is most apparent in the failure of all Arab armies to succeed at combined arms operations. A regular Jordanian army infantry company, for example is man-for-man as good as a comparable Israeli company; at battalion level, however, the coordination required for combined arms operations, with artillery, air, and logistics support, is simply absent. Indeed, the higher the echelon, the greater the disparity. This results from infrequent combined arms training; when it does take place, it is intended to impress visitors (which it does — the dog-and-pony show is usually done with uncommon gusto and theatrical talent) rather than provide real training.

Three underlying factors further impede coordination necessary for combined operations.

     • First, the well-known lack of trust among Arabs in anyone outside their own families adversely affects offensive operations. In a culture in which almost every sphere of human endeavor, including business and social relationships, is based on a family structure, this basic mistrust of others is particularly costly in the stress of battle. Offensive action, at base, consists of fire and maneuver. The maneuver element must be confident that supporting units or arms are providing covering fire. If there is a lack of trust in that support, getting troops moving forward against dug-in defenders is possible only by officers getting out front and leading, something that has not been a characteristic of Arab leadership. (Exceptions to this pattern are limited to elite units, which throughout the Arab world have the same duty — to protect the regime rather than the country.)

     • Second, the complex mosaic system of peoples creates additional problems for training, as rulers in the Middle East make use of the sectarian and tribal loyalties to maintain power. The `Alawi minority controls Syria, east bankers control Jordan, Sunnis control Iraq, and Nejdis control Saudi Arabia. This has direct implications for the military, where sectarian considerations affect assignments and promotions. Some minorities (such the Circassians in Jordan or the Druze in Syria) tie their well-being to the ruling elite and perform critical protection roles; others (such as the Shi`a of Iraq) are excluded from the officer corps. In any case, the careful assignment of officers based on sectarian considerations works against assignments based on merit. The same lack of trust operates at the inter-state level, where Arab armies exhibit very little trust of each other, and with good reason. The blatant lie Gamal Abdel Nasser told King Husayn in June 1967 to get him into the war against Israel — that the Egyptian air force was over Tel Aviv (when the vast majority of planes had been destroyed) — was a classic example of deceit. Sadat’s disingenuous approach to the Syrians to entice them to enter the war in October 1973 was another (he told them that the Egyptians were planning total war, a deception that included using a second set of operational plans intended only for Syrian eyes). With this sort of history, it is no wonder that there is very little cross or joint training among Arab armies and very few command exercises. During the 1967 war, for example, not a single Jordanian liaison officer was stationed in Egypt, nor were the Jordanians forthcoming with the Egyptian command.

     • Third, Middle Eastern rulers routinely rely on balance-of-power techniques to maintain their authority. They use competing organizations, duplicate agencies, and coercive structures dependent upon the ruler's whim. This makes building any form of personal power base difficult, if not impossible, and keeps the leadership apprehensive and off-balance, never secure in its careers or social position. The same applies within the military; a powerful chairman of the joint chiefs is inconceivable. Joint commands are paper constructs that have little actual function. Leaders look at joint commands, joint exercises, combined arms, and integrated staffs very cautiously for all Arab armies are double-edged swords. One edge points toward the external enemy and the other toward the capital. Land forces are at once a regime-maintenance force and threat to the same regime. This situation is most clearly seen in Saudi Arabia, where the land forces and aviation are under the minister of defense, Prince Sultan, while the National Guard is under Prince Abdullah, the deputy prime minister and crown prince. In Egypt, the Central Security Forces balance the army. In Iraq and Syria, the Republican Guard does the balancing.

No Arab ruler will allow combined operations or training to become routine, for these create familiarity, soften rivalries, erase suspicions, and eliminate the fragmented, competing organizations that enable rulers to play off rivals against one another. Politicians actually create obstacles to maintain fragmentation. For example, obtaining aircraft from the air force for army airborne training, whether it is a joint exercise or a simple administrative request for support of training, must generally be coordinated by the heads of services at the ministry of defense; if a large number of aircraft are involved, this probably requires presidential approval. Military coups may have gone out of style for now, but the fear of them remains strong. Any large-scale exercise of land forces is always a matter of concern to the government and is closely observed, particularly if live ammunition is being used. In Saudi Arabia a complex system of clearances required from area military commanders and provincial governors, all of whom have differing command channels to secure road convoy permission, obtaining ammunition, and conducting exercises, means that in order for a coup to work it would require a massive amount of loyal conspirators. The system has proven to be coup-proof, and there is no reason to believe it will not work well into the future.
 

Security and paranoia

Arab regimes classify virtually everything vaguely military. Information the U.S. military routinely publishes (about promotions, transfers, names of unit commanders, and unit designations) is top secret in Arabic-speaking countries. To be sure, this does make it more difficult for the enemy to construct an accurate order of battle, but it also feeds the divisive and compartmentalized nature of the military forces. The obsession with security can reach ludicrous lengths. Prior to the 1973 war, Sadat was surprised to find that within two weeks of the date he had ordered the armed forces be ready for war, his minister of war, General Muhammad Sadiq, had failed to inform his immediate staff of the order. Should a war, Sadat wondered, be kept secret from the very people expected to fight it?

One can expect to have an Arab counterpart or key contact changed without warning and with no explanation as to his sudden absence. This might well be simply a transfer a few doors away, but the vagueness of it all leaves foreigners imagining dire scenarios — that could be true. And it is best not to inquire too much; advisors or trainers who seem overly inquisitive may find their access to host military information or facilities limited. The presumed close U.S.-Israel relationship, thought to be operative at all levels, aggravates and complicates this penchant for secrecy. Arabs believe that the most mundane details about them are somehow transmitted to the Mossad via a secret hotline. This explains why an U.S. advisor with Arab forces is likely to be asked early and often about his opinion on the “Palestine problem,” then subjected to monologues on the assumed Jewish domination of the United States.
 

Indifference to safety

There is a general laxness with respect to safety measures and a seeming carelessness and indifference to training accidents, many of which could have been prevented by minimal safety precautions. To the (perhaps overly) safety-conscious Americans, Arab societies appear indifferent to casualties and to the importance of training safety. There are a number of explanations for this. Some would point to the inherent fatalism within Islam, and certainly anyone who has spent considerable time in Arab taxis would lend credence to that theory; but perhaps the reason has less to do with religion than with political culture. As any military veteran knows, the ethos of a unit is set at the top; or, as the old saying has it, units do those things well that the boss cares about. When the top political leadership displays a complete lack of concern for the welfare of its soldiers, such attitudes percolate down through the ranks. Exhibit A was the betrayal of Syrian troops fighting Israel in the Golan in 1967: having withdrawn its elite units, the Syrian government knowingly broadcast the falsehood that Israeli troops had captured the town of Kuneitra, which would have put them behind the largely conscript Syrian army still in position. The leadership took this step to pressure the great powers to impose a truce, though it led to a panic by the Syrian troops and the loss of the Golan Heights.
 

Conclusion

It would be difficult to exaggerate the cultural gulf separating American and Arab military cultures. In every significant area, American military advisors find students who enthusiastically take in their lessons and then resolutely fail to apply them. The culture they return to — the culture of their own armies in their own countries — defeats the intentions with which they took leave of their American instructors. Arab officers are not concerned about the welfare and safety of their men. The Arab military mind does not encourage initiative on the part of junior officers, or any officers for that matter. Responsibility is avoided and deflected, not sought and assumed. Political paranoia and operational hermeticism, rather than openness and team effort, are the rules of advancement (and survival) in the Arab military establishments. These are not issues of genetics, of course, but matters of historical and political culture.

When they had an influence on certain Arab military establishments, the Soviets strongly reinforced their clients’ own cultural traits. Like that of the Arabs, the Soviets’ military culture was driven by political fears bordering on paranoia. The steps taken to control the sources (real or imagined) of these fears, such as a rigidly centralized command structure, were readily understood by Arab political and military elites. The Arabs, too, felt an affinity for the Soviet officer class’s contempt for ordinary soldiers and its distrust of a well-developed, well-appreciated, well-rewarded NCO corps.

Arab political culture is based on a high degree of social stratification, very much like that of the defunct Soviet Union and very much unlike the upwardly mobile, meritocratic, democratic United States. Arab officers do not see any value in sharing information among themselves, let alone with their men. In this they follow the example of their political leaders, who not only withhold information from their own allies, but routinely deceive them. Training in Arab armies reflects this: rather than prepare as much as possible for the multitude of improvised responsibilities that are thrown up in the chaos of battle, Arab soldiers, and their officers, are bound in the narrow functions assigned them by their hierarchy. That this renders them less effective on the battlefield, let alone that it places their lives at greater risk, is scarcely of concern, whereas, of course, these two issues are dominant in the American military culture and are reflected in American military training.

Change is unlikely to come until it occurs in the larger Arab political culture, although the experience of other societies (including our own) suggests that the military can have a democratizing influence on the larger political culture, as officers bring the lessons of their training first into their professional environment, then into the larger society. It obviously makes a big difference, however, when the surrounding political culture is not only avowedly democratic (as was the Soviet Union’s), but functionally so.

Until Arab politics begin to change at fundamental levels, Arab armies, whatever the courage or proficiency of individual officers and men, are unlikely to acquire the range of qualities which modern fighting forces require for success on the battlefield. For these qualities depend on inculcating respect, trust, and openness among the members of the armed forces at all levels, and this is the marching music of modern warfare that Arab armies, no matter how much they emulate the corresponding steps, do not want to hear.


TOPICS: Editorial; Israel
KEYWORDS: 1956; 1967; 1973; arabarmies; arabculture; arabs; arabworld; militaryhistory; sixdaywar; yomkippur
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1 posted on 12/24/2004 2:25:20 PM PST by John Jorsett
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To: John Jorsett
BUMP!
To read later
2 posted on 12/24/2004 2:30:17 PM PST by Publius6961 (The most abundant things in the universe are hydrogen and stupidity.)
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To: John Jorsett

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/646885/posts
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/716583/posts
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/740513/posts

Search is your friend.


3 posted on 12/24/2004 2:31:53 PM PST by konaice
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To: konaice
Search is your friend.

And I love it so. I did a "quick search" and this piece didn't turn up, meaning that it hadn't appeared on FR recently. I think it's reasonable to repost things that are still timely but buried in the archives and not likely to be encountered unless one knows they're there and goes digging.

4 posted on 12/24/2004 2:38:06 PM PST by John Jorsett
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To: John Jorsett
Very interesting and good to know if your facing a standing Arab army. But it seems that asymmetrical warfare is the order of the day.Too bad they don't fight their jihad with armored divisions.

Now I'd like ti see the author do a paper on why the United States is so inept in the public relations front and is seemingly unable able to counter the likes of Al-Jezeera and other Arab and European propaganda mills

5 posted on 12/24/2004 2:38:32 PM PST by SolutionsOnly (but some people really NEED to be offended...)
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To: John Jorsett

Thanks for posting,I never saw that posted,but I cant stay on the board 24hrs a day.


6 posted on 12/24/2004 2:43:02 PM PST by noutopia (Home of the brave,not the spineless.)
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To: John Jorsett

Tex as he is affectionately know to friends:) Great writer, great mind. You can read more of his writing at American Diplomacy's website. Tex sure teaches a great regional studies course!


7 posted on 12/24/2004 2:43:13 PM PST by Jumper
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To: SandRat

Something to consider for your ping list. Merry Christmas


8 posted on 12/24/2004 2:45:27 PM PST by FierceKulak (Only the dead have seen the end of war)
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To: konaice

The juxtaposition of your posting with the prior poster's BTTT
is quite amusing in its irony.


9 posted on 12/24/2004 2:48:30 PM PST by grey_whiskers (The opinions are solely those of the author and are subject to change without notice.)
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To: John Jorsett

Unfortunately, even an idiot can kill you!


10 posted on 12/24/2004 2:50:09 PM PST by RAY (They that do right are all heroes!)
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To: John Jorsett
Bump
To read later
11 posted on 12/24/2004 2:51:44 PM PST by Fiddlstix (This Tagline for sale. (Presented by TagLines R US))
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To: SolutionsOnly

That's easy. The traditional media is run by people who basically hate America and everything that makes it special. So they lie about the war. There is nothing that we can do on that PR front to win. Only with the new PR front of the Internet, talk radio(and Fox News) can we finally get around our enemies in the traditional media.


12 posted on 12/24/2004 2:52:04 PM PST by LenS
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To: John Jorsett

If the fanatical Arab goal is not to defeat other nations militarily, but to send the world back to the dark ages, then a black-market purchased nuke detonated in NYC or Wash DC will do just fine.


13 posted on 12/24/2004 2:52:40 PM PST by ProtectOurFreedom
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To: John Jorsett

I'd love to see a follow up to this article that took into account events in Afghanistan and Iraq, including the election processes and fighting.


14 posted on 12/24/2004 2:54:12 PM PST by LenS
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To: John Jorsett

ping


15 posted on 12/24/2004 2:55:05 PM PST by boycott
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To: Ragtime Cowgirl; Radix; HiJinx; Spiff; JackelopeBreeder; Da Jerdge; MJY1288; xzins; Calpernia; ...

BUMP and PING


16 posted on 12/24/2004 3:00:22 PM PST by SandRat (Duty, Honor, Country. What else needs to be said?)
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To: John Jorsett

Thanks for a good post.


17 posted on 12/24/2004 3:00:41 PM PST by GSlob
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To: LenS

That's precisely my point - why is America conceding the propaganda war to America-haters? Why the surrender? I's truly welcome an explanation.


18 posted on 12/24/2004 3:03:43 PM PST by SolutionsOnly (but some people really NEED to be offended...)
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To: John Jorsett

Heh, Seems like a waste for Egypt to buy High tech items.


19 posted on 12/24/2004 3:04:16 PM PST by John Will
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To: John Jorsett

for later read


20 posted on 12/24/2004 3:04:38 PM PST by brooklin (still thinking)
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To: John Jorsett
A weapons system brings with it specific maintenance and logistics procedures, policies, and even a philosophy(ed.), all of them based on U.S. culture,

Great read, great post. Once again, Sect. Rumsfeld's focus on a joint doctine proves that he is a great leader of warriors.

We Americans have a wonderful legacy of DOCTRINE that guides us. From Sun Tzu to Gen. von Steuben to Gen. Washington to Gen. LeMay, to Gen. Jumper, doctrine guides warfare. And we win.

/john

21 posted on 12/24/2004 3:06:39 PM PST by JRandomFreeper (D@mit! I'm just a cook. Don't make me come over there and prove it!)
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To: SolutionsOnly
why is America conceding the propaganda war to America-haters?

Because Congress, in its wisdom, shut down the Pentagon information office, right after Sect. Rumsfeld took over. The press helped, but we know what side the press is on.

/john

22 posted on 12/24/2004 3:08:58 PM PST by JRandomFreeper (D@mit! I'm just a cook. Don't make me come over there and prove it!)
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To: John Will

"Seems like a waste for Egypt to buy High tech items."
Would be a harmless waste if one was sure the high tech remained there. I remember reading it somewhere that the Chinese 'technicians' were very much interested in Patriot missiles stationed in Saudi Arabia (?) after 1991.


23 posted on 12/24/2004 3:12:28 PM PST by GSlob
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To: John Jorsett

During the first Gulf War I led a team of 10 USAF air traffic controllers that deployed to an air base in Oman. We were sent to augment the Omani AF controllers. Before we arrived it was a sleepy little base with little traffic, basically one aircraft in, one aircraft out. When we arrived there were 2 squadrons of US fighters, 2 squadrons of RAF fighters and 2 squadrons of C-130's. The Omanis, while they tried to run the traffic as best they could, were completly lost. They did not have the training or procedures to work that much traffic. Everytime I made a suggestion to the Omani Major that ran their air traffic he came up with some reason to shoot it down. It was very frustrating, traffic wasn't moving the way it should, and we had definite flight safety problems. Suprisingly, I found my solution while talking to our Chaplain. He had some experience with dealing with the Arabs and he told me that basically they were like children. When I made my suggestions on how to restructure their airspace what I was telling the Omani Major was not that it needed improvement, but rather that there was something wrong with what he had been doing. That was not just an insult to him but also to his father, his grandfather, etc., and would only make him lose face. Additionally, as an officer, he would lose face in implementing a suggestion given to him by a seniro NCO, a mere enlisted man. My solution to the problem was this; I would speak to him about some changes I thought might be needed to change the airspace structure or a departure procedure. He would pretend to listen politely and thank me for the info. I would come back a couple of days later and tell him that I had spoken with my commander about HIS suggestions and tell him my commander thought that they were good ideas. By making him think that there were his ideas to begin with, and endorsed by a USAF officer, he would then go about implementing what I had wanted all along. Worked everytime!


24 posted on 12/24/2004 3:31:11 PM PST by ops33 (Retired USAF Senior Master Sergeant)
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To: SolutionsOnly
Now I'd like ti see the author do a paper on why the United States is so inept in the public relations front and is seemingly unable able to counter the likes of Al-Jezeera and other Arab and European propaganda mills

Because, for the most part, our own mainstream media is on the other side, or at least on any side not American. They are with the terrorists IOW. A good illustration of this was today. Rummy's visit to Iraq was featured on the front page of the Omaha paper, but was nowhere to be found in the Lincoln paper. It might show in tomorrow's editions, but since I'm in Lincoln you'd think a late breaking story more likely to make the Lincoln paper than the Omaha one. In fact the Lincoln paper had an overtly anti Rummy article from an up east paper, Boston IIRC.

25 posted on 12/24/2004 3:35:11 PM PST by El Gato (Activist Judges can twist the Constitution into anything they want ... or so they think.)
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To: ProtectOurFreedom
If the fanatical Arab goal is not to defeat other nations militarily, but to send the world back to the dark ages, then a black-market purchased nuke detonated in NYC or Wash DC will do just fine

While such an event would certainly disrupt things, I do believe the US could forge on without either DC or NYC, or both. However it would lead to dark age alright, in the Arab world, although for most Arabs, those that survived that is, the differences would be minimal.

26 posted on 12/24/2004 3:38:38 PM PST by El Gato (Activist Judges can twist the Constitution into anything they want ... or so they think.)
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To: John Jorsett
Having learned to perform some complicated procedure, an Arab technician knows that he is invaluable so long as he is the only one in a unit to have that knowledge

Oy. An army of housewives.

27 posted on 12/24/2004 3:39:50 PM PST by wizardoz
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To: El Gato

Unholy Alliance
by David Horowitz
Regnery Publishing, Inc.; ISBN: 089526076X
Hardcover - 256 pages (September 2004)


In this tour de force on the most important issue of our time, David Horowitz, confronts the paradox of how so many Americans, including the leadership of the Democratic Party, could turn against the War on Terror. He finds an answer in a political Left that shares a view of America as the ?Great Satan? with America?s radical Islamic enemies. This Left, which once made common cause with Communists, has now joined forces with radical Islam in attacking America?s defenses at home and its policies abroad. From their positions of influence in the university and media culture, leftists have defined America as the ?root cause? of the attacks against it. In a remarkable exploration of the ?Mind of the Left,? Horowitz traces the evolution of American radicalism from its Communist past to its ?anti-war? present. He then shows how this Left was able to turn the Democratic Party presidential campaign around and reshape its views on the War on Terror.

Horowitz?s Unholy Alliance, writes John Haynes, the noted historian of American Communism, ?is an insightful, brilliant examination of the mental world of the radical left. Horowitz shows how today?s radicals, unwilling to reflect on the internal flaws that destroyed Marxism-Leninism from within, have embraced an all-consuming nihilism in its place. This has led them to a hatred of American institutions and a solidarity with Islamic terrorists that makes the radical left more properly regarded as dangerous than loony.?

Unholy Alliance is an eye-opening book that should unsettle conventional assumptions and reveals why intellectuals and political leaders who applaud Michael Moore are no laughing matter. As Harvey Klehr, author of Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, writes, ?The world Communist movement may be moribund, but its habits of mind and ideological fantasies have not disappeared. This is a fascinating and depressing account.?


28 posted on 12/24/2004 3:41:40 PM PST by Ernest_at_the_Beach (A Proud member of Free Republic ~~The New Face of the Fourth Estate since 1996.)
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To: John Jorsett

Finish reading later, thanks for the posting!


29 posted on 12/24/2004 3:42:32 PM PST by Ernest_at_the_Beach (A Proud member of Free Republic ~~The New Face of the Fourth Estate since 1996.)
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To: ops33
By making him think that there were his ideas to begin with, and endorsed by a USAF officer, he would then go about implementing what I had wanted all along.

WOW. Americans are from Mars. Arabs are from Venus. LOL!!!

30 posted on 12/24/2004 3:43:17 PM PST by wizardoz
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To: ops33

One can't help but think though, that's part of the problem. Thought without responsibility is neither.


31 posted on 12/24/2004 3:43:29 PM PST by onedoug
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To: onedoug

I thought I was just being a good Senior NCO and figuring out how to manipulate officers to get my job done and take care of my people!!


32 posted on 12/24/2004 3:46:50 PM PST by ops33 (Retired USAF Senior Master Sergeant)
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To: ops33

Thanks for your service, Sarge.


33 posted on 12/24/2004 3:49:29 PM PST by onedoug
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To: John Jorsett

ping


34 posted on 12/24/2004 3:49:57 PM PST by Dick Vomer (liberals suck......... but it depends on what your definition of the word "suck" is.)
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To: John Jorsett
Time for a Patton quote:
It seems to me a certainty that the fatalistic teachings of Mohammed and the utter degradation of the Arab women are the outstanding causes for the arrested development of the Arab. He is exactly as he was around the year 700, while we have been developing.

35 posted on 12/24/2004 3:53:09 PM PST by bigcheese ("They pray alot, but they still prey...")
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To: John Jorsett
Thanks for the good post. Makes it easier to understand why there are no pages between the covers of the book, "Arab War Hero's".
36 posted on 12/24/2004 4:05:38 PM PST by Buffalo Head (Illigitimi non carborundum)
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To: ops33
I thought I was just being a good Senior NCO and figuring out how to manipulate officers to get my job done and take care of my people

Isn't that our job? Even for mid-level NCOs? As a reservist, I'm older than most officers up to 0-6/7.

Lord, give me a 1st LT any day. Mash the buttons, they respond. God Love the US Air Force. Agile, responsive, and able to meet the challange.

/john

37 posted on 12/24/2004 4:10:06 PM PST by JRandomFreeper (D@mit! I'm just a cook. Don't make me come over there and prove it!)
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To: John Jorsett

Bump, Merry Christmas and thanks


38 posted on 12/24/2004 4:10:53 PM PST by Yasotay
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To: SandRat

Two words -- Pump & Bing.


39 posted on 12/24/2004 4:11:47 PM PST by Earnie
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To: John Jorsett

bump


40 posted on 12/24/2004 4:12:47 PM PST by TASMANIANRED (Free the Fallujah one)
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To: JRandomFreeper

Back when I was in ROTC they told us that no matter what listen to the NCO's at whatever assignment you get. Never stop listening to them and don't assume you're even on par with them in terms of knowledge till you're old enough to have them in your kids high school yearbook.


41 posted on 12/24/2004 4:13:00 PM PST by Bogey78O ("Kill The Tartars on the night of the 15th of the 8th moon")
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To: Publius6961

Quite a long article, but very interesting.


42 posted on 12/24/2004 4:22:41 PM PST by highlander_UW (Islam - The Religion of Peace, and we'll kill you to prove it)
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To: Bogey78O
Don't get me wrong. I respect all of the officers set above me. And will follow their lawful orders.

But, sometimes, you need to 'splain things to them. As they have to explain order and theory to NCOs.

The corps of professional NCOs in the US military is a great idea. And, having dealt with a certain Army SFC, I think it's a grand idea.

/john

43 posted on 12/24/2004 4:25:12 PM PST by JRandomFreeper (D@mit! I'm just a cook. Don't make me come over there and prove it!)
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To: John Jorsett

marking.


44 posted on 12/24/2004 4:26:43 PM PST by gaijin
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To: John Jorsett

Bump for later.


45 posted on 12/24/2004 4:30:22 PM PST by Tatze (I voted for John Kerry before I voted against him!)
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To: ops33

I worked in a similar capacity with the Omanis during the first Gulf war, only as a Security Policeman helping them build defensive positions.

I had similar experiences-although my counterpart was a warrant officer and he was not quite as stand offish as an officer would be.

I think the need for manipulation is more cultural than what is bred by the natural friction between officers and enlisted


46 posted on 12/24/2004 4:38:21 PM PST by 5Madman2 (DemocRATS are Vermin)
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To: 5Madman2

What base? I was at Thumrait.


47 posted on 12/24/2004 4:44:13 PM PST by ops33 (Retired USAF Senior Master Sergeant)
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To: Bogey78O
I respect all of the officers set above me. And will follow their lawful orders.

And, have really cared for 4 in my entire career. A 1st Lt., back in the 80's. She was enlisted before she was a Flight Commander.... A certain Major, that commanded the 49th CRS, just because it was required.... A certain Lt. Col. that was my driver on a short tour.... (God, don't let officers {ESPECIALLY PILOTS} drive).... And a certain Captain. He does a passable job.

/john

48 posted on 12/24/2004 4:49:24 PM PST by JRandomFreeper (D@mit! I'm just a cook. Don't make me come over there and prove it!)
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To: Travis McGee; Squantos; Southack

Must-see TV.


49 posted on 12/24/2004 4:49:49 PM PST by Lazamataz ("Stay well - Stay safe - Stay armed - Yorktown" -- harpseal)
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To: ops33

I am still unsure of it it releaseable, so I won't. This is not meant to add to the Mystery. I have heard many conflicting versions of what can be said about the location due to local sensitivities, so I need to err on the side of caution.

I admit confusion due to both being told one thing by superiors and seeing other things published in the press

I will say that I know your conditions were much more spartan than where I was and I admire your resiliency


50 posted on 12/24/2004 4:52:47 PM PST by 5Madman2 (DemocRATS are Vermin)
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