Free Republic
Browse · Search
Topics · Post Article

Skip to comments.

The Intellectual Origins Of America-Bashing (Fascinating!) ^ | Dec, 2002 | Lee Harris

Posted on 05/08/2004 3:45:29 AM PDT by Remember_Salamis

The Intellectual Origins Of America-Bashing

By Lee Harris

specter haunts the world, and that specter is America. This is not the America discoverable in the pages of a world atlas, but a mythical America that is the target of the new form of anti-Americanism that Salman Rushdie, writing in the Guardian (February 6, 2002), says “is presently taking the world by storm” and that forms the subject of a Washington Post essay by Martin Kettle significantly entitled “U.S. Bashing: It’s All The Rage In Europe” (January 7, 2002). It is an America that Anatol Lieven assures us, in a recent article in the London Review of Books, is nothing less than “a menace to itself and to mankind” and that Noam Chomsky has repeatedly characterized as the world’s major terrorist state.

But above all it is the America that is responsible for the evils of the rest of the world. As Darius Fo, the winner of the 1997 Nobel Prize for literature, put it in a notorious post-September 11 email subsequently quoted in the New York Times (September 22, 2001): “The great speculators [of American capitalism] wallow in an economy that every years kills tens of millions of people with poverty [in the Third World] — so what is 20,000 dead in New York? Regardless of who carried out the massacre [of 9-11], this violence is the legitimate daughter of the culture of violence, hunger and inhumane exploitation.”

It is this sort of America that is at the hub of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt’s revision of Marxism in their intellectually influential book Empire (Harvard University Press, 2000) — a reinterpretation of historical materialism in which the global capitalist system will be overthrown not by those who have helped to create it, namely, the working class, but rather by a polyglot global social force vaguely referred to as “the multitude” — the alleged victims of this system.

America-bashing is anti-Americanism at its most radical and totalizing. Its goal is not to advise, but to condemn; not to fix, but to destroy. It repudiates every thought of reform in any normal sense; it sees no difference between American liberals and American conservatives; it views every American action, both present and past, as an act of deliberate oppression and systemic exploitation. It is not that America went wrong here or there; it is that it is wrong root and branch. The conviction at the heart of those who engage in it is really quite simple: that America is an unmitigated evil, an irredeemable enormity.

This is the specter that is haunting the world today. Indeed, one may even go so far as to argue that this America is the fundamental organizing principle of the left as it exists today: To be against America is to be on the right side of history; to be for it is to be on the wrong side.

But let’s pause to ask a question whose answer the America-bashers appear to assume they know: What is the right side of history at this point in history?

The concept of a right side of history is derived from Marxism, and it is founded on the belief that there is a forward advance toward a socialist future that can be resisted, but not ultimately defeated. But does anyone believe this anymore? Does anyone take seriously the claim that the present state of affairs will be set aside and a wholly new order of things implemented in its place, and that such a transformation of the world will happen as a matter of course?

And, finally, if in fact there are those who believe such a thing, what is the status of this belief? Is it a realistic assessment of the objective conditions of the present world order, or is it merely wishful thinking?

Marx’s political realism

he importance of these questions should be obvious to anyone familiar with the thought of Marx. Marx’s uniqueness as a thinker of the left is his absolute commitment to the principles of political realism. This is the view that any political energy that is put into what is clearly a hopeless cause is a waste. Utopianism is not only impractical; it is an obstacle to obtaining socialism’s true objective, since it diverts badly needed resources away from the pursuit of viable goals, wasting them instead on the pursuit of political fantasies.

The concept of fantasy as a political category assumed its central place in Marxist thought in The Communist Manifesto, where Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels used it as the distinguishing mark of their own brand of socialism: It was this that condemned all previous forms of socialism to the realm of vague dreams and good intentions, and which gave Marxism the claim to be a “scientific” form of socialism.

Marx’s use of the term “scientific” in this text has often been criticized. But, in his defense, it should be remembered that the German Wissenschaft describes a far wider category than the English “science.” It means what we know as opposed to what we merely opine, or feel, or imagine; the objective as opposed to the subjective; realistic thinking as opposed to impractical daydreaming. And it is in this last sense that Marx and Engels use it: For the opposite of the scientific is none other than the utopian.

This is the basis of Marx’s condemnation of all forms of utopian socialism, the essence of which is the enormous gap between the “fantastic pictures of future society” the utopian socialist dreams of achieving, on one hand, and any realistic assessment of the objective conditions of the actual social order on the other.

This concept of fantasy as “fantastic pictures” inside the head of impractical daydreamers is a classic theme of German Romantic literature and is perhaps most closely identified with the characters of E.T.A. Hoffman’s stories, such as Kapellmeister Kreisler. The fantasist, in this literature, is a character type: He lives in his own dream world and can manage only the most tenuous relationship to the real world around him. But, unlike the character type of the absent-minded professor, the Romantic fantasist is not content to putter around in his own world. Instead, he is forever insisting that his world is the real one, and in the process of doing this, he reduces the real world around him, and the people in it, to an elaborate stage setting for the enactment of his own private fantasies.

Marx and Engels’s wholesale condemnation of all previous socialism as utopian fantasy is the fundamental innovation of their own work. It is the basis of their claim to be taken seriously, not merely by Hoffmanesque daydreamers, but by men of practical judgment and shrewd common sense. To fail to make this distinction, or to fail to stay on the right side of this distinction once it has been made, is to cease to be a Marxist and to fall back into mere Träumerei.

This demarcation line arose because Marx believed that he had grasped something that no previous utopian socialist had even suspected. He believed that he had shown that socialism was inevitable and that it would come about through certain ironclad laws of history — laws that Marx believed were revealed through the study of the very nature of capitalism. Socialism, in short, would not come about because a handful of daydreamers had wished for it, or because pious moralists had urged it, but because the unavoidable breakdown of the capitalist system would force the turn to socialism upon those societies that, prior to this breakdown, had been organized along capitalist lines.

Schematically the scenario went something like this:

• The capitalists would begin to suffer from a falling rate of profit.

• The workers would therefore be “immiserized”; they would become poorer as the capitalists struggled to keep their own heads above water.

• The poverty of the workers would drive them to overthrow the capitalist system — their poverty, not their ideals.

What is interesting here is that, once you accept the initial premise about the falling rate of profit, the rest does indeed follow realistically. Now, this does not mean that it follows necessarily or according to an ironclad scientific law; but it certainly conveys what any reasonable person would take as the most probable outcome of a hypothetical failure of capitalism.

For Marx it is absolutely essential that revolutionary activities be justifiable on realistic premises. If they cannot be, then they are actions that cannot possibly have a real political objective — and therefore, their only value can be the private emotional or spiritual satisfaction of the people carrying out this pseudo-political action.

So in order for revolutionary activity to have a chance of succeeding, there is an unavoidable precondition: The workers must have become much poorer over time. Furthermore, there had to be not merely an increase of poverty, but a conviction on the part of the workers that their material circumstances would only get worse, and not better — and this would require genuine misery.

This is the immiserization thesis of Marx. And it is central to revolutionary Marxism, since if capitalism produces no widespread misery, then it also produces no fatal internal contradiction: If everyone is getting better off through capitalism, who will dream of struggling to overthrow it? Only genuine misery on the part of the workers would be sufficient to overturn the whole apparatus of the capitalist state, simply because, as Marx insisted, the capitalist class could not be realistically expected to relinquish control of the state apparatus and, with it, the monopoly of force. In this, Marx was absolutely correct. No capitalist society has ever willingly liquidated itself, and it is utopian to think that any ever will. Therefore, in order to achieve the goal of socialism, nothing short of a complete revolution would do; and this means, in point of fact, a full-fledged civil war not just within one society, but across the globe. Without this catastrophic upheaval, capitalism would remain completely in control of the social order and all socialist schemes would be reduced to pipe dreams.

The immiserization thesis, therefore, is critical to Marx, for without it there would be no objective conditions in response to which workers might be driven to overthrow the capitalist system. If the workers were becoming better off with time, then why jump into an utterly untested and highly speculative economic scheme? Especially when even socialists themselves were bitterly divided over what such a scheme would be like in actual practice. Indeed, Marx never committed himself to offering a single suggestion about how socialism would actually function in the real world.

Immiserization goes global

y the twentieth century the immiserization thesis was already beginning to look shaky. Empirical evidence, drawn either by impressionistic observation or systematic statistical studies, began to suggest that there was something wrong with the classical version of the thesis, and an attempt was made to save it by redefining immiserization to mean not an absolute increase in misery, but merely a relative one. This gloss allowed a vast increase in empirical plausibility, since it accepted the fact that the workers were indeed getting better off under the capitalist system but went on to argue that they were not getting better off at the same rate as the capitalists.

The problem with this revision lay not in its economic premises, but its political ones. Could one realistically believe that workers would overthrow an economic system that was continually improving their own lot, simply because that of the capitalist class was improving at a marginally better rate? Certainly, the workers might envy the capitalists; but such emotions simply could not supply the gigantic impetus required to overthrow a structure as massive as the capitalist system. Before the workers of a capitalist society could unite, they had to feel that they had literally nothing to lose — nothing to lose but their proverbial chains. For if they had homes and cars and boats and rvs to lose as well, then it became quite another matter.

In short, the relative immiserization thesis was simply not the stuff that drives people to the barricades. At most it could fuel the gradualist reforms of the evolutionary ideal of socialism — a position identified with Eduard Bernstein.

The post-World War II period demolished the last traces of the classical immiserization thesis. Workers in the most advanced capitalist countries were prosperous by any standard imaginable, either absolute or relative; and what is even more important, they felt themselves to be well off, and believed that the future would only make them and their children even better off than they had been in the past. This was a deadly blow to the immiserization thesis and hence to Marxism. For the failure of the immiserization thesis is in fact the failure of classical Marxism. If there is no misery, there is no revolution; and if there is no revolution, there is no socialism. Q.E.D. Socialism goes back once more to being merely a utopian fantasy.

Yet those who still claim to derive their heritage from Marx are mostly unwilling to acknowledge that their political aims are merely utopian, not scientific. How is that possible?

There might be several reasons advanced for this, but certainly one of them is Paul Baran. A Polish born American economist and a Marxist, Baran is the author of The Political Economy of Growth (Monthly Review Press, 1957). In it, for the first time in Marxist literature, Baran propounded a causal connection between the prosperity of the advanced capitalist countries and the impoverishment of the Third World. It was no longer the case, as it was for Marx, that poverty — as well as idiocy — was the natural condition of man living in an agricultural mode of production. Rather, poverty had been introduced into the Third World by the capitalist system. The colonies no longer served the purpose of consuming overstocked inventories, but were now the positive victims of capitalism.

What needs to be stressed here is that, prior to Baran, no Marxist had ever suspected that capitalism was the cause of the poverty of the rest of the world. Not only had Marx and Engels failed to notice this momentous fact, but neither had any of their followers. Yet this omission was certainly not due to Marx’s lack of knowledge about, or interest in, the question of European colonies. In his writing on India, Marx shows himself under no illusions concerning the brutal and mercenary nature of British rule. He is also aware of the “misery and degradation” effected by the impact of British industry’s “devastating effects” on India. Yet all of this is considered by Marx to be a dialectical necessity; that is to say, these effects were the unavoidable precondition of India’s progress and advance — an example of the “creative destruction” that Schumpeter spoke of as the essence of capitalist dynamics. Or, as Marx put it in On Colonialism: “[T]he English bourgeoisie . . . will neither emancipate nor materially mend the social condition of the mass of the [Indian] people . . . but . . . what they will not fail to do is to lay down the material premises for both” the emancipation and the mending of this social condition.

The radical nature of Baran’s reformulation of Marxist doctrine is obscured by an understandable tendency to confuse Baran’s theory with Lenin’s earlier theory of imperialism. In fact, the two have nothing in common. Lenin’s theory had evolved in order to explain the continuing survival of capitalism into the early twentieth century, and hence the delay of the coming of socialism. In Lenin’s view, imperialism is not the cause of Third World immiserization, but rather a stopgap means of postponing immiserization in the capitalist countries themselves. It is the capitalist countries’ way of keeping their own work force relatively prosperous — and hence politically placid — by selling surplus goods into captive colonial markets. It is not a way of exploiting, much less impoverishing, these colonies. It was rather a way “to bribe the upper strata of the proletariat, and . . . to . . . strengthen opportunism,” as Lenin put it in Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (International Publishers, 1933).

This gives us the proper perspective from which to judge the revolutionary quality of Baran’s reformulation. For, in essence, what Baran has done is to globalize the traditional doctrine of immiserization so that, instead of applying to the workers of the advanced capitalist countries, it now came to apply to the entire population of those countries that have not achieved advanced capitalism: It was the rest of the world that was being impoverished by capitalism, not the workers of the advanced countries.

Baran’s global immiserization thesis, after its initial launch, was taken up by other Marxists, but it was nowhere given a more elaborate intellectual foundation than in Immanuel Wallerstein’s monumental study The Modern World-System (Academic Press, 1974), which was essentially a fleshing out in greater historical and statistical detail of Baran’s thesis. Hence, for the sake of convenience, I will call the global immiserization thesis the Baran-Wallerstein revision.

America as “root cause”

hat i now would like to consider is not the thesis itself, but the role that this thesis played in bolstering and revitalizing late twentieth-century Marxism. For it is here that we find the intellectual origins of the international phenomenon of America-bashing. If there is any element of genuine seriousness in this movement — if, indeed, it aspires to be an objective and realistic assessment of the relationship of America to the rest of the world — then that element of seriousness is to be found in the global immiserization thesis: America has gotten rich by making other countries poor.

Furthermore, this is no less true of those who, like Chomsky, have focused on what is seen as American military aggression against the rest of the world, for this aggression is understood as having its “root cause” in America’s systematic exploitation of the remainder of the human race. If American exploitation did not create misery, it would not need to use military force. It is the global immiserization thesis that makes the use of force an indispensable tool of American foreign policy and that is responsible, according to this view, for turning America into a terrorist state. This explains the absolute centrality of the global immiserization thesis in the creation of the specter of America now haunting so much of our world.

The Baran-Wallerstein revision of the classical immiserization thesis into its global context was far better adapted to fix what was wrong in Marxist theory than the revisionist notion of relative immiserization discussed above. For, as we have seen, what was needed was real misery, and not merely comparative misery, since without such misery there would be no breakdown of capitalism: no civil war, no revolution, no socialism. And who can doubt that great real misery exists in the Third World?

In addition to providing a new and previously untapped source of misery, the Baran-Wallerstein revision provided several other benefits. For example, there was no longer any difficulty in accepting the astonishingly high level of prosperity achieved by the work force of the advanced capitalist countries — indeed, it was now even possible to arraign the workers of these countries alongside of the capitalists for whom they labored — or, rather, more precisely, with whom they collaborated in order to exploit both the material resources and the cheap labor of the Third World. In the new configuration, both the workers and the capitalists of the advanced countries became the oppressor class, while it was the general population of the less advanced countries that became the oppressed — including, curiously enough, even the rulers of these countries, who often, to the untutored eye, seemed remarkably like oppressors themselves.

With this demystification of the capitalist working class came an end to even a feigned enthusiasm among Marxists for solidarity with the hopelessly middle-class aspirations of the American blue-collar work force. The Baran-Wallerstein revision offered an exotic new object of sympathy — namely, the comfortably distant and abstract Third World victims of the capitalist world system.

Perhaps most important, the Baran-Wallerstein revision also neatly solved the most pressing dilemma that worker prosperity in advanced capitalist countries bequeathed to classical Marxism: the absolute lack of revolutionary spirit among these workers — the very workers, it must be remembered, who were originally cast in the critical role of world revolutionaries. In the new theoretical configuration, this problem no longer mattered simply because the workers of the capitalist countries no longer mattered.

Hence the appeal of the global immiserization thesis: The Baran-Wallerstein revision neatly obviates all the most outstanding objections to the classical Marxist theory. This leaves two questions unanswered: Is it true? And even if it is true, does it save Marxism?

Whether the immiserization thesis is true or not is simply too complex a topic to deal with here. Indeed, for the sake of the present argument, I am willing to assume that it is absolutely true — truer than anything has ever been true before. For what I want to concentrate on is the question of whether the Baran-Wallerstein revision is consistent with Marxism’s claim to represent a realistic political agenda as opposed to a mere utopian fantasy. And the short answer is that, no matter how true the global immiserization thesis might be, it does not save the Baran-Wallerstein revision of Marxism from being condemned as utopian fantasy — and condemned not by my standards or yours, but by those of Marx and Engels.

This is because the original immiserization thesis was set within the context of a class war within a society — an actual civil war between different classes of one and the same society, and not between different nations on different continents. This makes an enormous difference, for it is not at all unreasonable to think that a revolutionary movement could succeed, by means of a violent and bloody civil war, in gaining the monopoly of force within a capitalist society, and thus be able to dictate terms to the routed capitalists, if any survived.

But this is an utterly different scenario from one in which the most advanced capitalist societies have a monopoly of force — and brutally effective force — at their disposal. For in this case it is absurd to think that the exploited Third World countries could possibly be able to alter the world order by even a hair, provided the advanced capitalist societies were intent on not being altered.

What could they do to us?

9-11 calling

he answer to this question, according to many of those who accept the global immiserization thesis, came on 9-11. Noam Chomsky, perhaps America’s most celebrated proponent of the Baran-Wallerstein thesis, expressed this idea in the immediate aftermath. Here, for the first time, the world had witnessed the oppressed finally striking a blow against the oppressor — a politically immature blow, perhaps, comparable to the taking of the Bastille by the Parisian mob in its furious disregard of all laws of humanity, but still an act equally world-historical in its significance: the dawn of a new revolutionary era.

This judgment can make sense only in the context of the Baran-Wallerstein thesis. For if 9-11 was in fact a realistic blow against the advanced capitalist countries — or even just the most advanced — then here was an escape from the utopian deadlock of the global immiserization thesis. Here was a way that the overthrow of world capitalism could be made a viable historical outcome once again, and not merely the fantastic delusions of a sect. This explains the otherwise baffling valorization of 9-11 on the part of the left — by which I mean the enormous world-historical significance that they have been prepared to attribute to al Qaeda’s act of terror.

But was 9-11 truly world-historical in the precise sense required to sustain the Baran-Wallerstein revision? For 9-11 to be world-historical in this sense, it would have to contain within it the seeds of a gigantic shift in the order of things: something on the scale of the decline and collapse of capitalist America and with it the final realization of the socialist realm.

But this investment of world-historical significance to 9-11 is simply wishful thinking on the part of the left. It is an effort to transform the demented acts of a group of fantasists into the vanguard of the world revolution. Because if there is to be a world revolution at all there has to be a vanguard of that revolution, an agent whose actions are such as to represent a threat to the capacity of the capitalist system simply to survive. This means that it is not enough to injure it; it is not enough to wound or madden it; it is not enough to rouse it to rage — the agent must kill it, too. He must be capable of overthrowing the hegemonic power at the center of the capitalist world system.

But this is absolutely implausible. Any realistic assessment of any possible scenario will inevitably conclude that nothing that al Qaeda can do can cause the collapse of America and the capitalist system. The worse eventuality in the long run would be that America would be forced to break its hallowed ideal of universal tolerance, in order to make an exception of those who fit the racial profiling of an al Qaeda terrorist. It is ridiculous to think that if al Qaeda continued to attack us such measures would not be taken. They would be forced upon the government by the people (and anyone who thinks that the supposed cultural hegemony of the left might stop this populist fury is deluded).

In other words, the only effect on America of a continuation of September 11-style attacks would be an increasingly repressive state apparatus domestically and a populist home front demand for increasingly severe retaliation against those nations supporting or hiding terrorists. But neither one of these reactions would seriously undermine the strength of the United States — indeed, it is quite evident that further attacks would continue to unite the overwhelming majority of the American population, creating an irresistible “general will” to eradicate terrorism by any means necessary, including the most brutal and ruthless.

But this condition, let us recall, is precisely the opposite of the objective political conditions that, according to Marx, must be present in order for capitalism to be overthrown. For classical Marxism demands, quite realistically, a state that is literally being torn apart by internal dissension. Revolution, in short, requires a full-fledged civil war within the capitalist social order itself, since nothing short of this can possibly achieve the goal that the revolution is seeking. Hence, 9-11-style attacks that serve only to strengthen the already considerable solidarity between classes in the United States are, from the perspective of classical Marxism, fatally flawed. For such attacks not only fail to further any revolutionary aims; they actually make the revolution less probable. A society of 300 million individuals whose bumper stickers say “United We Stand” is not a breeding ground for revolutionary activity. Nor is it a society that can be easily intimidated into mending its ways, even if we make the assumption that its ways need mending.

But if the result of 9-11 was to strengthen the political unity of the United States, then 9-11 was definitely not world-historical. The unspeakable human horror of 9-11 should not blind us to the ghastly triviality of the motive and the inevitable nullity of the aftermath.

The temptation of fantasy ideology

he baran-wallerstein revision of Marxism does provide a new global reformulation of the immiserization thesis. But the locus of this misery, the Third World, does not and cannot provide an adequate objective foundation for a revolutionary struggle against the capitalist system. Rather, this foundation can be provided only by a majority of the workers in the advanced capitalist countries themselves; but, as we have seen, the effect of 9-11 on the working class of the United States was not one conducive to the overthrow and demise of capitalism. On the contrary, nowhere was the desire to retaliate against the terrorists more powerfully visceral than among the working class of the United States. The overwhelming majority of its members instantly responded with collective and spontaneous expression of solidarity with other Americans and expressions of outrage against those who had planned and carried out the attack, as well as those who attempted to palliate it.

For those who are persuaded by the Baran-Wallerstein thesis, 9-11 represents a classic temptation. It is the temptation that every fantasy ideology offers to those who become caught up in it — the temptation to replace serious thought and analysis, fidelity to the facts and scrupulous objectivity, with the worst kind of wishful thinking. The attempt to cast 9-11 as a second taking of the Bastille simply overlooks what is most critical about both of these events, namely, that the Bastille was a symbol of oppression to the masses of French men and women who first overthrew it and then tore it down, brick by brick. And while it is true that the Bastille had become the stuff of fantasy, thanks to the pre-1789 “horrors of the Bastille” literature, it was still a fantasy that worked potently on the minds of the Parisian mob and hence provided the objective political conditions necessary to undermine the Bourbon state. But the fantasy embodied in 9-11, far from weakening the American political order, strengthened it immeasurably, while the only mobs that were motivated by the enactment of this fantasy were those inhabiting the Arab streets — a population pathetically unable to control even the most elementary aspects of its own political destiny, and hence scarcely the material out of which a realistically minded revolutionary could hope to fashion an instrument of world-historical transformation. These people are badly miscast in the role of the vanguard of the world revolution. And what can we say about those in the West, allegedly acting within the tradition of Marxist thought, who encourage such spectacularly utopian flights of fantasy?

The Baran-Wallerstein thesis cannot save Marxism; and, in fact, it is a betrayal of what is genuinely valid in Marx — namely, the insistence that any realistic hope of a world-historical transformation from one stage of social organization to a more humane one can come only if men and women do not yield to the temptation of fantasy ideology, even — and, indeed, especially — when it is a fantasy ideology dressed up to look like Marxism.

Instead, the Baran-Wallerstein thesis has sadly come to provide merely a theoretical justification for the most irrational and infantile forms of America-bashing. There is nothing Marxist about this. On the contrary, according to Marx, it was the duty of the non-utopian socialist, prior to the advent of genuine socialism, to support whatever state happened to represent the most fully developed and consistently carried out form of capitalism; and, indeed, it was his duty to defend it against the irrational onslaughts of those reactionary and backward forces that tried to thwart its development. In fact, this was a duty that Marx took upon himself, and nowhere more clearly than in his defense of the United States against the Confederacy in the Civil War. Only in this case he was defending capitalism against a fantasy ideology that, unlike that of radical Islam, wished to roll back the clock a mere handful of centuries, not several millennia.

Those who, speaking in Marx’s name, try to defend the fantasy ideology embodied in 9-11 are betraying everything that Marx represented. They are replacing his hard-nosed insistence on realism with a self-indulgent flight into sheer fantasy, just as they are abandoning his strenuous commitment to pursuit of a higher stage of social organization in order to glorify the feudal regimes that the world has long since condemned to Marx’s own celebrated trash bin of history.

America-bashing has sadly come to be “the opium of the intellectual,” to use the phrase Raymond Aron borrowed from Marx in order to characterize those who followed the latter into the twentieth century. And like opium it produces vivid and fantastic dreams.

This is an intellectual tragedy. The Marxist left, whatever else one might say about it, has traditionally offered a valuable perspective from which even the greatest conservative thinkers have learned — including Schumpeter and Thomas Sowell. But if it cannot rid itself of its current penchant for fantasy ideology of the worst type, not only will it be incapable of serving this purpose; it will become worse than useless. It will become a justification for a return to that state of barbarism mankind has spent millennia struggling to transcend — a struggle that no one felt more keenly than Marx himself. For the essence of utopianism, according to Marx, is the refusal to acknowledge just how much suffering and pain every upward step of man’s ascent inflicts upon those who are taking it, and instead to dream that there are easier ways of getting there. There are not, and it is helpful to no party to pretend that there are. To argue that the great inequalities of wealth now existing between the advanced capitalist countries and the Third World can be cured by outbreaks of frenzied and irrational America-bashing is not only utopian; it is immoral.

The left, if it is not to condemn itself to become a fantasy ideology, must reconcile itself not only with the reality of America, but with its dialectical necessity — America is the sine qua non of any future progress that mankind can make, no matter what direction that progress may take.

The belief that mankind’s progress, by any conceivable standard of measurement recognized by Karl Marx, could be achieved through the destruction or even decline of American power is a dangerous delusion. Respect for the deep structural laws that govern the historical process — whatever these laws may be — must dictate a proportionate respect for any social order that has achieved the degree of stability and prosperity the United States has achieved and has been signally decisive in permitting other nations around the world to achieve as well. To ignore these facts in favor of surreal ideals and utterly utopian fantasies is a sign not merely of intellectual bankruptcy, but of a disturbing moral immaturity. For nothing indicates a failure to understand the nature of a moral principle better than to believe that it is capable of enforcing itself.

It is not. It requires an entire social order to shelter and protect it. And if it cannot find these, it will perish.

TOPICS: Business/Economy; Constitution/Conservatism; Crime/Corruption; Culture/Society; Foreign Affairs; Government; Miscellaneous; News/Current Events; Philosophy; Political Humor/Cartoons; Politics/Elections; Unclassified; Your Opinion/Questions
KEYWORDS: america; american; antiamerican; bush; communism; communist; kerry; left; leftist; leftwing; marx; neomarxism; origins; revolution
Navigation: use the links below to view more comments.
first 1-2021-4041-6061-8081 next last
An inside look at the evolution of neomarxism, plus a whole lot more.
1 posted on 05/08/2004 3:45:30 AM PDT by Remember_Salamis
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | View Replies]

2 posted on 05/08/2004 3:52:56 AM PDT by jla (
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
U.S. bashing is all about the denial of what is good in the world, because if there is no good, then you don't have to worry about being bad.

You can tell when people don't want their own faults to be known. It's when they loudly proclaim any failings of another who may reveal their faults by comparison.
3 posted on 05/08/2004 3:54:47 AM PDT by dan1123
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
What incredible garbage!

To counter it, simply ask anyone saying such trash to name one country that has done as much good in the world as America. There will be a long silence.....very long.

4 posted on 05/08/2004 3:56:40 AM PDT by NetValue (They're not Americans, they're democrats.)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: NetValue
What garbage? The author is revealing the marxist lineage of leftwing anti-Americanism.
5 posted on 05/08/2004 4:01:55 AM PDT by Remember_Salamis (Freedom is Not Free)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 4 | View Replies]

To: NetValue
911 has nothing to do with the uprising of the oppressed. It is the attack of the oppressers and exploiters that have used a pseudo-religion to oppress and exploit and kill and rape millions!
6 posted on 05/08/2004 4:08:16 AM PDT by observer5
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 4 | View Replies]

To: NetValue
America-bashing has sadly come to be “the opium of the intellectual,” to use the phrase Raymond Aron borrowed from Marx in order to characterize those who followed the latter into the twentieth century. And like opium it produces vivid and fantastic dreams.

For people who don't want to slog through the article, that line is the best, and well-proven in the article's contents.
7 posted on 05/08/2004 4:09:45 AM PDT by dan1123
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 4 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
Interesting article. While he is right about Marx's attempt to build a realistic foundation for the so-called revolution that was going to usher in world socialism, he also points out one of the truly gaping holes in Marxism: even Marx did not devote much attention to the actual form of this "perfect" post-revolutionary society. Despite Marx's attempts to see himself as scientific, his vision was fundamentally utopian and fundamentally a fantasy.

Both Marx and Freud wanted to reject thousands of years of understanding of human nature and find some simple, physical key to human behavior (as opposed to what Freud called the "mud tide of obscurantism," i.e., the traditional Judeo-Christian spiritual/physical understanding of man). This could then be controlled and dispensed by their followers, who would thus have found the short-cut to earthly perfection.
8 posted on 05/08/2004 4:16:58 AM PDT by livius
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
I gave this article an Evelyn Wood once-over. I got out of it that the USA should keep on doing what we do best, but the gravy from that effort should be ladled over the rest of the world until there is nothing left for the USA. I call that the Socialist Goal and Dream.

The socialist mindset is so imcomplete it cannot even see it's illogical conclusion. It is most childlike to believe thst the "gravy" will continue to be produced even though the producer will never taste the gravy. When the day of utopia arrives, it will be a short day. Where will the world be then?
9 posted on 05/08/2004 4:16:59 AM PDT by whereasandsoforth (tagged for migratory purposes only)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis; dan1123
Good article, and very insightful. The alliance of the Left and Islam is one that I truly never expected to see. They are opposites on the surface, but united in blind hate for America.

As a former radical leftist, I can tell you that my intoxication with America-hate was spiritual at it's root. It was a satanic mindset, and the goal was the destruction of the system, justified by the perceived injustices of capitalism. But all the reasons didn't really matter, the goal did. As long as America was weakened or eventually destroyed, the methods and mindsets didn't matter. Just destruction.

Jesus straightened me out when I met Him, and now I understand why that mindset was there all along. We are currently the empire through which God is working to establish His Word in the earth. Follow the lineage-- Rome, the Holy Roman empire, the crusader states, Spain, Britain, now us.

That's the root of all this, as I see it.

10 posted on 05/08/2004 4:22:11 AM PDT by ovrtaxt (Forget ANWR -- Drill Israel!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 5 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
I'm some what surprised that there was no mention of the environmentalist marxist. According to this theory, the captialist countries have only been able to increase their standard of living is at the expense of the environment. Therefore, protection of the environment would lead to increased misery and the socialist revolution.
11 posted on 05/08/2004 4:24:37 AM PDT by DugwayDuke
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
Thanks for this, I enjoyed it.
I'm no intellectual, but I have wondered where Chomsky gets his perspective from.

It does seem that some never grow up, but just discover a new spin to
justify their beliefs, then another says
"Ya, what he said!" and expand and expound.

12 posted on 05/08/2004 4:25:23 AM PDT by Bobber58 (whatever it takes, for as long as it takes)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: ovrtaxt
Ever heard of David Horowitz? He's a former hardcore leftists who's changed his ways. He now runs a truly awesome website called FrontPage magazine, which is at:

He's written multiple books on what made him change and I think his works may be an excellent guide for you.
13 posted on 05/08/2004 4:27:23 AM PDT by Remember_Salamis (Freedom is Not Free)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 10 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
American exhibits a combination of stunning raw power coupled with unique American-Western moral values that has never been seen in the world before. All instantly projected world-wide via the "New Media".
14 posted on 05/08/2004 4:29:45 AM PDT by tkathy (nihilism: absolute destructiveness toward the world at large and oneself)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: DugwayDuke
They're called "watermelons" (green on the outside, red on the inside). Here's a good one by lowell ponte:

Earth Day / Elián Day
By Lowell Ponte | April 18, 2001

SHOULD LENIN’S BIRTHDAY BE A HOLIDAY, alongside the national holiday for Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the new California holiday honoring union boss Cesar Chavez?

Why, you might ask, would Americans celebrate the birthday of this mass murderer Marxist, the founder of the is-it-dead-or-only-sleeping Soviet Union?

But the sad fact is that our children in public schools and colleges probably are directed to celebrate Lenin’s April 22 birthday and his values, whether they know it or not.

Schools and the media now call this date Earth Day, a date that oddly falls each year only a week before an ancient traditional day for celebrating springtime, May Day. (The Soviets marked May Day with a Red Square parade of nuclear missiles and goose-stepping soldiers, the defining symbols of Marxist love.)

One of the self-identified "founders" of Earth Day, Bay Area activist John McConnell, has written that in 1969 he proposed to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors a new holiday to be called Earth Day on the first day of spring, the Equinox, around March 21. But, he writes, in 1970 local anti-Vietnam War and Environmental Teach-in activists "who were planning a one-time event for April 22, also decided to call their event Earth Day."

And what was this unnamed "one-time event" in 1970? It was the 100th birthday celebration for Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, known to history as Lenin, a pen name he might have coined from Siberia’s Lena River. He was the patron saint of the North Vietnamese Communists such as Ho Chi Minh that America was fighting. And Lenin apparently has been patron saint to the Marxist vanguard of American activists who with their Teach-ins and other anti-war activities helped their comrades win in Southeast Asia -- and who now hold positions of power throughout American colleges, universities, and media.

Wherever Left-wing political correctness is the dogma imposed by such faculty, Earth Day is likely to be celebrated. Thus, for example, this new holy day of the Marxist faith will find adherents at Princeton University. Princeton is now home to bioethicist Dr. Peter Singer, who defends the right to life of animals but believes parents should have a right to kill their babies not only in the womb but also for up to a year following birth. Exhibiting similar ethics, Princeton’s student newspaper published David Horowitz’s ad opposing slave reparations for African Americans who have never been slaves, but its editors unprofessionally juxtaposed the ad to their agitprop intended to smear, negate, and shout down its message. These editors, of course, permit no such natural "balance" for Left-wing opinions in their pages. The Prince now ruling Princeton was schooled by Machiavelli.

Might it be mere coincidence that Earth Day falls on Lenin’s Birthday? No, this link was apparently intended from the beginning. Sincere environmentalists who objected that Lenin’s Soviet Union was a despoiler of the natural ecology of Russia, a dammer of rivers and polluter of ecosystems, have been ignored or silenced. Requests by sincere environmentalists to change Earth Day’s date – as one logically would do if a holiday had been accidentally placed on the birthday of a mass murderer such as Adolf Hitler – have been rejected or harshly rebuffed.

Earth Day’s best friends have been like the late David Brower, founder in 1969 of Friends of the Earth (FOE). Born in Berkeley, Brower was the first Executive Director of the Sierra Club (1952-1969) and spearheaded its efforts to shut down road construction and development in National Parks. He was the subject of John McPhee’s classic Encounters with the Archdruid. Brower put together books himself such as Not Man Apart, which juxtaposed photos of Big Sur to lines by self-labeled "Inhumanist," pantheist, and anti-capitalist poet Robinson Jeffers. In his later years Brower went on a pilgrimage to Nicaragua to praise and embrace its Fidel Castro-aligned Marxist Sandinista rulers.

April 22 has become a political holiday for those pseudo-environmentalists known as Watermelons, green on the outside but red on the inside. The fall of the Iron Curtain revealed that pollution in Soviet-dominated Eastern Europe was thousands of times worse than anything in the West – but these phony ecologists uttered no anathema against Marxist dictatorships. (Brower, at Soviet request, visited Lake Baikal in Siberia, and Russian propagandists used this to project an international image of the dictatorship’s environmental awareness and caring.)

For many political Leftists, environmentalism is merely a pretext through which private property and capitalism can be regulated, strangled, and finally replaced with totalitarian government ownership of everything. How could they criticize Marxist dictatorships, since their prescription for "healing the world" is socialist dictatorship?

From its birth, Earth Day has been out of harmony with nature (the Equinox) and with cultural traditions of spring (May Day). Earth Day is an absurd imposition, like Marxism itself, rudely forced between those two already-long-established spring celebrations.

But like a chemical factory, Earth Day thrives as an industry generating hot air and hotter politics; this single holiday employs 3,400 environmental group leaders, many pocketing $150,000 or more per year, doing quite well by doing good. The first Earth Day in 1970 was noticed by 20 million people. This year a projected 500 million people in 140 nations might participate in some Earth Day activity. The Gore Environmental Protection Agency and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration promoted and celebrated Earth Day as if it were already an official legal holiday.

Sincere environmentalists this Earth Day should pause and contemplate whether, in the long run, Marxism is actually compatible with the world they desire.

On the surface both worldviews appear to have some views in common. Both extreme Environmentalism and Marxism are collectivist philosophies. One dissolves the individual human being into an interconnected web of life and opposes his right to act "selfishly." The other dissolves the individual into a class and declares him a puppet of economic forces.

Both Marxism and extreme Environmentalism are utopian pagan religions. One aims to end all conflict in the world by eradicating all the but the Working Class, thereby restoring (at a higher level) the equality, harmony, sharing, and property-free world enjoyed by our distant tribal ancestors. The other envisions a future of simplicity, natural harmony, sharing, and an end to carving up Mother Earth with property boundaries and with the capitalist view of nature and people as commodities to be bought, hoarded, and sold.

Both Marxism and extreme Environmentalism, in other words, seem to believe that we can get back to Eden. This utopianism requires a certain self-imposed blindness. Science has now clearly shown that the "noble savage," free of civilization’s taint, that Marx and Rousseau idealized never really existed. The idyllic "nature" imagined by extreme Environmentalists is in fact carved constantly from Earth’s clay with tooth and claw.

The infantile Environmentalism exhibited by young Earth Day enthusiasts conjures an Eden fantasy where the lion lays down with the lamb – without licking its chops. It is a pristine place where nothing ever changes except the color of leaves with the seasons. No Ice Ages drive species into extinction, no asteroids exterminate the dinosaurs, no fires from lightning burn down old growth forests. It is Eden, and the only serpent in the garden is man.

Deeper Environmentalists understand that fire and cataclysm are part of the natural cycle of things. If no volcanic forces polluted the skies or thrust the land upward, the whole world would have subsided beneath the oceans – and as all sulfur and carbon settled onto ocean bottoms, un-recycled by volcanoes into atmospheric CO2 and acid rain, all life on Earth would have vanished billions of years ago. Of all the species that have ever lived on Earth, more than 90 percent became naturally extinct before humankind arrived.

And, if only subliminally, Deep Environmentalists dimly understand other contradictions within simplistic Environmentalist thought.

One epithet that those on the Left hurl at capitalists is to call us "social Darwinists" who see society as a "jungle" where "the strong prey on the weak." Deconstruct this attack and what do you discover? They are accusing capitalism of being just like nature. But did not Leftist Environmentalists say they liked nature? Or is their idea of nature an English garden, full of tidy walks, benches, fountains and no carnivorous animals?

The free marketplace, in fact, is like nature. Competitors struggle to fill empty or vulnerable niches, win allies, defeat rivals, and control territory. Natural life forms, we now know, instinctively understand allocation of energy (investment), territory (property), possession (ownership and "selfishness"), and status (wealth).

Switching the game from individualist capitalism to collectivist Marxism or tribalism does not "de-nature" this competition. It merely exchanges the coin of the realm from money and voluntary exchange to power and coercive exchange. In the Soviet Union, as in Communist China and Cuba, the rulers have lived in the dachas and feasted on caviar; the workers have lived in one-room apartments or collective farms and stood in line for bread.

Capitalism is infinitely more sophisticated than Marxism. The free market responds to the democratic wishes of people, swiftly switching its supplies to meet demand like the cybernetic feedback loops of a living organism. Marxism, by contrast, is basically just a primitive command system in which some commissar decides that the shoe factory should produce only Size 12 black boots. A marketplace will emerge, naturally, in Marxist societies – but it will be a black marketplace that must expend its best energies circumventing the government. I still remember how my guide in Communist Cuba locked his car each time we parked in that "workers’ paradise." An unlocked car would quickly be stripped for scarce, valuable spare parts.

But in some ways Marxism seems more akin to Western capitalism than to radical Environmentalism. As Robert Tucker observed in Philosophy and Myth in Karl Marx, mainstream Marxism is a utopian religion, but it is also materialistic and "scientific." It assumes that humankind, as a successful animal species within nature, is entitled to subdue and exploit nature and to use technology to alter nature for our benefit. The Hammer and Sickle are not symbols of eco-sensitivity.

The humanist Marxist religion is not "Godless," strictly speaking; according to Friedrich Engels, "Man is God," at least in the collective sense. For radical Environmentalists, by contrast, "Mother Nature" is God, and our planet would be better off if humankind, the cancer threatening to kill this planet by "ecocide," became extinct; humans have no right to exploit other creatures, nor to alter Earth’s environment in any way that harms others. And, of course, any change disadvantages some species.

In short, Marxism holds that humankind is inherently good, despite all the evidence of how men behave in Communist states. Today’s extreme Environmentalists tend to believe humankind is evil. And traditional Western Judeo-Christian belief is that God is God; that human beings possess a "lower" nature that is evil or sinful; and that law, morality, and religion are needed to suppress the worst and encourage the "higher" potential in individuals. In this traditional view we have lost the Garden of Eden but, Felix Culpa, have within our reach something even better.

With Passover and Easter behind us, what should we believe on April 22’s Marxo-pagan celebration of Earth Day? Was, e.g., President George W. Bush wrong to jettison a Kyoto Protocol on global warming already rejected by a 95-0 bipartisan vote of the U.S. Senate?

Truth be told, as this column detailed last September, one of the chief experts Vice President Al Gore relied on in his predictions that global climate was warming has now changed his mind. Dr. James Hansen, a climatologist at NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York, still says Earth is warming – but the cause, he now finds, is not CO2 from burning fossil fuels but carbon black (soot) and other pollutants. The Kyoto treaty is focused on CO2. New research now finds that Antarctica may not be melting down from human pollution. Major flaws have been detected in global temperature measurements, as I was first to report in Reader’s Digest a decade ago, and these flaws make global warming claims unreliable. Bush’s science advisors also have reasons to believe that if human activity is warming our climate, then human technologies can be used to reverse that warming. We are not helpless animals on this planet.

Several European nations and the United Nations are outraged that the U.S. has backed away from a bad Kyoto treaty promoted so assiduously by President Bill Clinton and Vice President Al Gore. Warming climate, however, has little to do with their upset. Even if fully implemented, the Kyoto Protocol, impartial scientists calculate, would have lowered global temperature by only seven one-thousandths of a degree Celsius.

But the Kyoto treaty would have opened the door to a whole new universe of massive new taxes on virtually every form of energy. It also laid the basis for vast new government powers to control and regulate virtually all citizen and corporate activities. It was, in short, a classic Marxist attempt to concoct a crisis to frighten people into accepting one of the biggest government power grabs in human history.

This Earth Day our children will continue to be targeted by this crisis propaganda. They will be told that we cannot drill for oil on 20 acres of the two million acres of the desolate Arctic National Wildlife Reserve. (Notice how Watermelon Environmentalists want you to "love nature," but they lock you out of it or deter visitors by charging you a fee to visit your own National Parks?) And our children will be told that even though nuclear power now costs less and is safer than burning all those fossil fuels Environmentalists warn are warming our climate, no new climate-friendly nuclear power plants can be permitted. Big Brother knows best. Big Brother will tell you what to think on Earth Day, and no dissenting views will be permitted. (If America’s spirit were still alive, April 22 would be remembered only as "Elian Day," that infamous date in 2000 when President Bill Clinton, at Fidel Castro’s command, sent storm troopers to re-enslave six-year-old Elián Gonzalez at gunpoint.) Lenin might not be on display on Earth Day, but his evil spirit is there. In his Red Square shrine Lenin’s embalmed body is turning green.

15 posted on 05/08/2004 4:30:36 AM PDT by Remember_Salamis (Freedom is Not Free)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 11 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
This was a very, very interesting article. And very nicely written too, extremely readable. I liked the bit about how workers who own boats and rvs will not likely take to the barricades, lol, just so.

It really does explain quite well the taking up of the Islamofacists' cause by the left. That has confused quite a number of people, I don't doubt that many true liberals are quite confused by it also, maybe even more than those here on the right are.

And the author is quite correct, the current status of thought on the American Left is truly on a par with the day dreams of an opium smoker. It is too bad that the only alternative to those delusions to be found left of center are embodied in John Kerry, a fatuous, arrogant, nothingness, and Bill and Hillary Clinton, grasping self-dealers. A decent, thinking person like Joe Lieberman or Zell Miller can't get 5 minutes of attention from their own party.

If you ask me, I think it is the Dems who need a French Revolution.
16 posted on 05/08/2004 4:32:01 AM PDT by jocon307 (The dems don't get it, the American people do.)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
Big BTTT for a nice analysis of the left's fantasy about how the world works.
17 posted on 05/08/2004 4:37:58 AM PDT by TomMix
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 1 | View Replies]

To: jocon307
The opium line is a play of Marx's old adage that "religion is the opiate of the masses." Or was it Lenin. Help, anyone?
18 posted on 05/08/2004 4:38:46 AM PDT by Remember_Salamis (Freedom is Not Free)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 16 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
Yes, that site is bookmarked in my favorites folder, and one of my main news sources. I don't agree with him on everything, though-- he's still an idiot on several points, but overall, he's made a good change.
19 posted on 05/08/2004 4:39:24 AM PDT by ovrtaxt (Forget ANWR -- Drill Israel!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 13 | View Replies]

To: Remember_Salamis
I think the opium line was Marx.
20 posted on 05/08/2004 4:40:37 AM PDT by jocon307 (The dems don't get it, the American people do.)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 18 | View Replies]

Navigation: use the links below to view more comments.
first 1-2021-4041-6061-8081 next last

Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.

Free Republic
Browse · Search
Topics · Post Article

FreeRepublic, LLC, PO BOX 9771, FRESNO, CA 93794 is powered by software copyright 2000-2008 John Robinson