Posted on 02/04/2004 4:19:00 PM PST by sinkspur
The issue was abortion, the Catholic church, and a bishop's denial of communion to legislators who he says stray from church teaching on such a "fundamental" issue.
Mario Cuomo didn't want to talk about it. The former three-term Governor of New York and a veteran of the abortion wars of the 1980s and 1990s hadn't read what Bishop Raymond Burke, writing in a chancery office 1,100 miles away from Cuomo's Manhattan law office, had said on the subject.
What the bishop said (The "notification" is on the diocesan Web site: www.dioceseoflacrosee.com) is that Catholic legislators in the Diocese of La Crosse who support "procured abortion or euthanasia" should not present themselves for communion, and, if they did, they would be refused the sacrament. (Last month, Burke was installed as archbishop of St. Louis, but his directive is still in-place.)
Cuomo's reluctance (frustration?) is understandable. More than any other politician he has engaged the issue, most notably in a 1984 speech, (Religious Belief and Public Morality: A Catholic Governor's Perspective, at Notre Dame.
Still, Cuomo was curious. Did Burke's decree apply to Catholic legislators who supported the death penalty? (No, it didn't, but then Cuomo, a skilled litigator, is not one to pose a question for which he doesn't know the answer.) And how did the bishop reconcile his hard-line stance on abortion with the teachings of Augustine and Aquinas? ("Hard to say, governor, would you mind if I turned on my tape recorder?")
Before dismissing the journalist (he didn't agree to be recorded), a seemingly exasperated Cuomo said, "It's more of an issue for the theologians than for the politicians."
The politicians agreed.
Rep. David Obey (D-WI), a direct target of Burke's actions, didn't want to talk about it. He issued a statement, said his press secretary, and that is to be the extent of his comment. Wisconsin State Senator Julie Lassa, another subject of Burke's discipline, didn't return a phone call.
The only one directly involved who would engage the subject was Burke, who told reporters in St. Louis that if Massachusetts Senator John Kerry, a pro-choice Catholic, presented himself for communion while campaigning in the Missouri presidential primary, he would refuse him the sacrament.
So what conclusions can be reached about Burke's actions?
First, say what you will about Burke, but don't say what he did raises grave questions of church-state separation. Despite a widespread intuition otherwise, there is no Constitutional issue at play.
"It is not possible for a private party to violate the separation of church and state because that is a protection that the Bill of Rights accords individuals against government action," said Barry Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State. If such a constitutional issue existed, Lynn, Washington's leading church-state separatist, would find it.
Next, did Burke, a canon lawyer, act properly under church law? Hard to tell.
He employed Canon 915, which allows a bishop, in the name of quashing scandal and instructing the faithful, to deny communion to someone he determines is guilty of "manifest grave sin." But Canon 915, because it represents a restriction on a right (in this case, the right to receive communion, found in Canon 912) must be interpreted narrowly.
Burke's public "notification" is broadly written; it applies to all legislators in the Diocese of La Crosse. A canonical no-no? Perhaps. Those affected by Burke's order, the "pro-choice" lawmakers, can appeal to Rome if they feel procedures have been abused.
Third, was Burke's action theologically sound? Depends on whom you ask.
The burden is on the lawmakers, not the bishop, says Princeton University's Robert George. "You are not fully in communion with the church if you have placed yourself on the side of so grave an injustice in the public realm thus denying to some members of the human family their basic human rights." Burke, said George, is "making clear that [this] is a fundamental matter on which a pretense of unity will not be tolerated, cannot be tolerated."
Burke's way off base, counters Loyola Marymount theologian Michael Horan.
"From a pastoral theological perspective, this new policy, if made practice by the bishop toward individual Catholics, is more likely to cause scandal than the practice of the politicians themselves," says Horan.
He continued: "The bishop's point of view presumes that the Eucharist is a reward for good behavior. Interestingly, the only transgressions for which the early church communities practiced excommunication were adultery, apostasy and murder (of human beings already born). Abortion was not one of the transgressions that merited excommunication."
Finally, a U.S. bishops committee is studying the question of how to deal with "Catholics in Public Life," particularly those thought to leave their religious values behind when voting on moral issues. It's unclear when the committee, headed by Washington Cardinal Theodore McCarrick, will release its recommendations.
A key question: Is denying communion to pro-choice legislators likely to reduce the number of abortions performed in the United States, to further the cause of those who would restrict abortion-rights? Or will it simply harden the hearts of those, Catholic and non-Catholic alike, who have a visceral reaction to religious bodies interjecting themselves into contentious public policy issues?
Thanks to Archbishop Burke -- and a few of his colleagues who appear ready to follow his lead -- we're about to find out.
It could also be a boon to the Episcopal Church, which these days seems to have lots and lots of empty room in its pews (not that these failed "Catholics" would actually attend much, except for their own funerals).
The phoniness is shown by the argument Cuomo used to justify his support for abortion. He said that there was a societal consensus in favor of abortion, and that the common good dictated that he refrain from violating that consensus. Of course, Cuomo never lifted a finger to change that supposed consensus, never made any speech attempting to convince people that abortion was morally wrong, that they should change the law, even if he would not unilaterally attempt to change the law.
By contrast, Mario Cuomo regularly imposed his morality on the State of New York by vetoing legislation to allow the death penalty, even though there is much more of a consensus in favor of the death penalty (polls show over 80% of Americans favor it) than there is in support of abortion.
Mario Cuomo is a fraud, pure and simple.
And I wouldn't be surprised, if that did happen, if Rome came down hard on any bishop who did that.
I would. The Pope opposes the death penalty, vehemently. In fact, he's said there is no justification for using it.
2267 Assuming that the guilty party's identity and responsibility have been fully determined, the traditional teaching of the Church does not exclude recourse to the death penalty, if this is the only possible way of effectively defending human lives against the unjust aggressor. If, however, non-lethal means are sufficient to defend and protect people's safety from the aggressor, authority will limit itself to such means, as these are more in keeping with the concrete conditions of the common good and are more in conformity to the dignity of the human person. Today, in fact, as a consequence of the possibilities which the state has for effectively preventing crime, by rendering one who has committed an offense incapable of doing harm - without definitely taking away from him the possibility of redeeming himself - the cases in which the execution of the offender is an absolute necessity "are very rare, if not practically non-existent." |
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That argument amounts to claiming that cowardice is a virtue.
The truth, of course, is that Cuomo believes that liberal orthodoxy trumps Catholic orthodoxy. He is an apostate, and should be treated as such until he repents.
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